Page One Youth

Napoleon In Paris

Out Of Work

The First Italian Campaign

The Egyptian Campaign

Statesman And Lawgiver

The Concordat

Code Napoleon

General Prosperity

Preparations For War With England

Sale Of Louisiana

Establishment Of The Empire

King of Italy

Campaign Of 1805-1806-1807

The Peace Of Tilsit

Napoleon's Empire

Family Affairs

The Berlin Decree

War In The Peninsula

Bonapartes On The Spanish Throne

Disaster In Spain

Alexander And Napoleon In Council

Napoleon At Madrid

Talleyrand's Treachery

The Campaign Of 1809


The Divorce

A New Wife

An Heir To The Crown

The Pope


Evasions Of Blockade

Tilsit Agreement Broken

The Russian Campaign

The Burning Of Moscow

A New Army

Campaign Of 1813

Campaign Of 1814


Ruler Of Island Of Elba

Return To Paris

Hundred Days

Second Abdication

Napoleon's Surrender

Sent To St. Helena

Life In Exile

Death Of Napoleon

Second Funeral Of Napoleon

Related Information

Wellington and Nelson

Napoleon and the French Revolution



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Life Of Napoleon Bonaparte With A Sketch Of Josephine

Book:        Life Of Napoleon

Author:      Tarbell, Ida



Chapter XXII.


Napoleon's Surrender - Sent To St. Helena - Life In Exile - Death Of Napoleon


     When it became evident that it was impossible to escape to the United

States, Napoleon considered two courses - to call upon the country and

renew the conflict, or seek an asylum in England.  The former was not only

to perpetuate the foreign war, it was to plunge France into civil war; for

a large part of the country had come to the conclusion of the allies -

that as long as Napoleon was at large, peace was impossible.  Rather than

involve France in such a disaster, the emperor resolved at last to give

himself up to the English, and sent the following note to the regent:


     "Royal Highness: Exposed to the factions which divide my country and

to the hostility of the greatest powers of Europe, I have closed my

political career.  I have come, like Themistocles to seek the hospitality

of the British nation.  I place myself under the protection of their laws,

which I claim from your Royal Highness as the most powerful, the most

constant, and the most generous of my enemies.




     On the 15th of July he embarked on the English ship, the

"Bellerophon," and a week later he was in Plymouth.


     Napoleon's surrender to the English was made, as he says, with full

confidence in their hospitality.  Certainly hospitality was the last thing

to expect of England under the circumstances, and there was something

theatrical in the demand for it.  The "Bellerophon" was no sooner in the

harbor of Plymouth than it became evident that he was regarded not as a

guest, but as a prisoner.  Armed vessels surrounded the ship he was on;

extraordinary messages were hurried to and fro; sinister rumors ran among

the crew.  The Tower of London, a desert isle, the ends of the earth, were

talked of as the hospitality England was preparing.


     But if there was something theatrical, even humorous, in the idea of

expecting a friendly welcome from England, there was every reason to

suppose that she would receive him with dignity and consideration.

Napoleon had been an enemy worthy of English metal.  He had been defeated

only after years of struggle.  Now that he was at her feet, her own self-

respect demanded that she treat him as became his genius and his position.

To leave him at large was, of course, out of the question; but surely he

could have been made a royal prisoner and been made to feel that if he was

detained it was because of his might.


     The British government no sooner realized that it had its hands on

Napoleon than it was seized with a species of panic.  All sense of

dignity, all notions of what was due a foe who surrendered, were drowned

in hysterical resentment.  The English people as a whole did not share the

government's terror.  The general feeling seems to have been similar to

that which Charles Lamb expressed to Southey: "After all, Bonaparte is a

fine fellow, as my barber says, and I should not mind standing bare-headed

at his table to do him service in his fall.  They should have given him

Hampton Court or Kensington, with a tether extending forty miles round



     But the government could see nothing but danger in keeping such a

force as Napoleon within its limits.  It evidently took Lamb's whimsical

suggestion, that if Napoleon were at Hampton the people might some day

eject the Brunswick in his favor, in profound seriousness.  On July 30th

it sent a communication to General Bonaparte - the English henceforth

refused him the title of emperor, though permitting him that of general,

not reflecting, probably, that if one was spurious the other was, since

both had been conferred by the same authority - notifying him that as it

was necessary that he should not be allowed to disturb the repose of

England any longer, the British government had chosen the island of St.

Helena as his future residence, and that three persons with a surgeon

would be allowed to accompany him.  A week later he was transferred from

the "Bellerophon" to the "Northumberland," and was en route for St.

Helena, where he arrived in October, 1815.


     The manner in which the British carried out their decision was

irritating and unworthy.  They seemed to feel that guarding a prisoner

meant humiliating him, and offensive and unnecessary restrictions were

made which wounded and enraged Napoleon.


     The effect of this treatment on his character is one of the most

interesting studies in connection with the man, and, on the whole, it

leaves one with increased respect and admiration for him.  He received the

announcement of his exile in indignation.  He was not a prisoner, he was

the guest of England, he said.  It was an outrage against the laws of

hospitality to send him into exile, and he would never submit voluntarily.

When he became convinced that the British were inflexible in their

decision, he thought of suicide, and even discussed it with Las Cases.  It

was the most convenient solution of his dilemma.  It would injure no one,

and his friends would not be forced then to leave their families.  It was

easier because he had no scruples which opposed it.  The idea was finally

given up.  A man ought to live out his destiny, he said, and he decided

that his should be fulfilled.


     The most serious concern Napoleon felt in facing his new life was

that he would have no occupation.  He saw at once that St. Helena would

not be an Elba.  But he resolutely made occupations.  He sought

conversation, studied English, played games, began to dictate his memoirs.

It is to this admirable determination to find something to do, that we owe

his clear, logical commentaries, his essays on Caesar, Turenne, and

Frederick, his sketch of the Republic, and the vast amount of information

in the journals of his devoted comrades, O'Meara, Las Cases, Montholon.


     But no amount of forced occupation could hide the desolation of his

position.  The island of St. Helena is a mass of jagged, gloomy rocks; the

nearest land is six hundred miles away.  Isolated and inaccessible as it

is, the English placed Napoleon in its most sombre and remote part - a

place called Longwood, at the summit of a mountain, and to the windward.

The houses of Longwood were damp and unhealthy.  There was no shade.

Water had to be carried some three miles.


     The governor, Sir Hudson Lowe, was a tactless man, with a propensity

for bullying those whom he ruled.  He was haunted by the idea that

Napoleon was trying to escape, and he adopted a policy which was more like

that of a jailer than of an officer.  In his first interview with the

emperor he so antagonized him that Napoleon soon refused to see him.

Napoleon's antipathy was almost superstitious.  "I never saw such a horrid

countenance," he told O'Meara.  "He sat on a chair opposite to my sofa,

and on the little table between us there was a cup of coffee.  His

physiognomy made such an unfavorable impression upon me that I thought his

evil eye had poisoned the coffee, and I ordered Marchand to throw it out

of the window.  I could not have swallowed it for the world."


     Aggravated by Napoleon's refusal to see him, Sir Hudson Lowe became

more annoying and petty in his regulations.  All free communication

between Longwood and the inhabitants of the island was cut off.  The

newspapers sent Napoleon were mutilated; certain books were refused; his

letters were opened.  A bust of his son brought to the island by a sailor

was withheld for weeks.  There was incessant haggling over the expenses of

his establishment.  His friends were subjected to constant annoyance.  All

news of Marie Louise and of his son was kept from him.


     It is scarcely to be wondered at that Napoleon was often peevish and

obstinate under this treatment, or that frequently, when he allowed

himself to discuss the governor's policy with the members of his suite,

his temper rose, as Montholon said, "to thirty-six degrees of fury." His

situation was made more miserable by his ill health.  His promenades were

so guarded by sentinels and restricted to such limits that he finally

refused to take exercise, and after that his disease made rapid marches.


     His fretfulness, his unreasonable determination to house himself, his

childish resentment at Sir Hudson Lowe's conduct, have led to the idea

that Napoleon spent his time at St. Helena in fuming and complaining.  But

if one will take into consideration the work that the fallen emperor did

in his exile, he will have a quite different impression of this period of

his life.  He lived at St. Helena from October, 1815, to May, 1821.  In

this period of five and a half years he wrote or dictated enough matter to

fill the four good-sized volumes which complete the bulky correspondence

published by the order of Napoleon III., and he furnished the great

collection of conversations embodied in the memoirs published by his



     This means a great amount of thinking and planning; for if one will

go over these dictations and writings to see how they were made, he will

find that they are not slovenly in arrangement or loose in style.  On the

contrary, they are concise, logical, and frequently vivid.  They are full

of errors, it is true, but that is due to the fact that Napoleon had not

at hand any official documents for making history.  He depended almost

entirely on his memory.  The books and maps he had, he used diligently,

but his supply was limited and unsatisfactory.


     It must be remembered, too, that this work was done under great

physical difficulties.  He was suffering keenly much of the time after he

reached the island.  Even for a well man, working under favorable

circumstances, the literary output of Napoleon at St. Helena would be

creditable.  For one in his circumstances it was extraordinary.  A look at

it is the best possible refutation of the common notion that he spent his

time at St. Helena fuming at Sir Hudson Lowe and "stewing himself in hot

water," to use the expression of the governor.


     Before the end of 1820 it was certain that he could not live long.

In December of that year the death of his sister Eliza was announced to

him.  "You see, Eliza has just shown me the way.  Death, which had

forgotten my family, has begun to strike it.  My turn cannot be far off."

Nor was it.  On May 5, 1821, he died.


     His preparations for death were methodical and complete.  During the

last fortnight of April all his strength was spent in dictating to

Montholon his last wishes.  He even dictated, ten days before the end, the

note which he wished sent to Sir Hudson Lowe to announce his death.  The

articles he had in his possession at Longwood he had wrapped up and

ticketed with the names of the persons to whom he wished to leave them.

His will remembered numbers of those whom he had loved or who had served

him.  Even the Chinese laborers then employed about the place were

remembered.  "Do not let them be forgotten.  Let them have a few score of



     The will included a final word on certain questions on which he felt

posterity ought distinctly to understand his position.  He died, he said,

in the apostolical Roman religion.  He declared that he had always been

pleased with Marie Louise, whom he besought to watch over his son.  To

this son, whose name recurs repeatedly in the will, he gave a motto - All

for the French people.  He died prematurely, he said, assassinated by the

English oligarchy.  The unfortunate results of the invasion of France he

attributed to the treason of Marmont, Augereau, Talleyrand, and Lafayette.

He defended the death of the Duc d'Enghien.  "Under similar circumstances

I should act in the same way." This will is sufficient evidence that he

died as he had lived, courageously and proudly, and inspired by a profound

conviction of the justice of his own cause.  In 1822 the French courts

declared the will void.


     They buried him in a valley beside a spring he loved, and though no

monument but a willow marked the spot, perhaps no other grave in history

is so well known.  Certainly the magnificent mausoleum which marks his

present resting place in Paris has never touched the imagination and the

heart as did the humble willow-shaded mound in St. Helena.


     The peace of the world was insured.  Napoleon was dead.  But though

he was dead, the echo of his deeds was so loud in the ears of France and

England that they tried every device to turn it into discord or to drown

it by another and a newer sound.  The ignoble attempt was never entirely

successful, and the day will come when personal and partisan

considerations will cease to influence judgments on this mighty man.  For

he was a mighty man.  One may be convinced that the fundamental principles

of his life were despotic; that he used the noble ideas of personal

liberty, of equality, and of fraternity, as a tyrant; that the whole

tendency of his civil and military system was to concentrate a power in a

single pair of hands, never to distribute it where it belonged, among the

people; one may feel that he frequently sacrificed personal dignity to a

theatrical desire to impose on the crowd as a hero of classic proportions,

a god from Olympus; one may groan over the blood he spilt.  But he cannot

refuse to acknowledge that no man ever comprehended more clearly the

splendid science of war; he cannot fail to bow to the genius which

conceived and executed the Italian campaign, which fought the classic

battles of Austerlitz, Jena, and Wagram.  These deeds are great epics.

They move in noble, measured lines, and stir us by their might and

perfection.  It is only genius of the most magnificent order which could

handle men and materials as Napoleon did.


     He is even more imposing as a statesman.  When one confronts the

France of 1799, corrupt, crushed, hopeless, false to the great ideals she

had wasted herself for, and watches Napoleon firmly and steadily bring

order into this chaos, give the country work and bread, build up her

broken walls and homes, put money into her pocket and restore her credit,

bind up her wounds and call back her scattered children, set her again to

painting pictures and reading books, to smiling and singing, he has a

Napoleon greater than the general.


     Nor were these civil deeds transient.  France to-day is largely what

Napoleon made her, and the most liberal institutions of continental Europe

bear his impress.  It is only a mind of noble proportions which can grasp

the needs of a people, and a hand of mighty force which can supply them.


     But he was greater as a man than as a warrior or statesman; greater

in that rare and subtle personal quality which made men love him.  Men

went down on their knees and wept at sight of him when he came home from

Elba - rough men whose hearts were untrained, and who loved naturally and

spontaneously the thing which was lovable.  It was only selfish, warped,

abnormal natures, which had been stifled by etiquette and diplomacy and

self-interest, who abandoned him.  Where nature lived in a heart,

Napoleon's sway was absolute.  It was not strange.  He was in everything a

natural man; his imagination, his will, his intellect, his heart, were

native, untrained.  They appealed to unworldly men in all their rude,

often brutal strength and sweetness.  If they awed them, they won them.


     This native force of Napoleon explains, at least partially, his hold

on men; it explains, too, the contrasts of his character.  Never was there

a life lived so full of lights and shades, of majors and minors.  It was a

kaleidoscope, changing at every moment.  Beside the most practical and

common-place qualities are the most idealistic.  No man ever did more

drudgery, ever followed details more slavishly; yet who ever dared so

divinely, ever played such hazardous games of chance?  No man ever planned

more for his fellows, yet who ever broke so many hearts?  No man ever made

practical realities of so many of liberty's dreams, yet it was by

despotism that he gave liberal and beneficent laws.  No man was more

gentle, none more cruel.  Never was there a more chivalrous lover until he

was disillusioned; a more affectionate husband, even when faith had left

him; yet no man ever trampled more rudely on womanly delicacy and reserve.


     He was valorous as a god in danger, loved it, played with it; yet he

would turn pale at a broken mirror, cross himself if he stumbled, fancy

the coffee poisoned at which an enemy had looked.


     He was the greatest genius of his time, perhaps of all time yet he

lacked the crown of greatness - that high wisdom born of reflection and

introspection which knows its own powers and limitations, and never abuses

them; that fine sense of proportion which holds the rights of others in

the same solemn reverence it demands for its own.


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