In the beginning of the second Punic war, Syphax adhering to the Romans,

Gala, the father of Masinissa, to check the career of so powerful a neighbor,

thought it his interest to join the Carthaginians, and accordingly sent out

against Syphax a powerful army, under the conduct of his son, at that time but

seventeen years of age. ^925 Syphax being overcome in a battle, in which it is

said he lost thirty thousand men, escaped into Mauritania.  The face of

things, however, was afterwards greatly changed.

[Footnote 925: Liv. l. xxiv. n. 48, 49.]

     Masinissa, after his father's death, was often reduced to the brink of

ruin; being driven from his kingdom by an usurper; closely pursued by Syphax;

in danger every instant of falling into the hands of his enemies; and

destitute of forces, money, and almost every thing. ^926 He was at that time

in alliance with the Romans, and the friend of Scipio, with whom he had an

interview in Spain.  His misfortunes would not permit him to bring great

succors to that general.  When Laelius arrived in Africa, Masinissa joined him

with a few horse, and from that time was inviolably attached to the Roman

interest. ^927 Syphax, on the contrary, having married the famous Sophonisba,

daughter of Asdrubal, went over to the Carthaginians.

[Footnote 926: Liv. l. xxix. n. 29-34.]

[Footnote 927: Liv. l. xxix. n. 23.]

     The fortune of these two princes now underwent a final change. ^928

Syphax lost a great battle, and was taken alive by the enemy.  Masinissa, the

victor, besieged Cirtha, his capital, and took it.  But he met with a greater

danger in that city than he had faced in the field, in the charms and

endearments of Sophonisba, which he was unable to resist.  To secure this

princess to himself he married her; but a few days after, he was obliged to

send her a dose of poison, as her nuptial present; this being the only way

left him to keep his promise with his queen, and preserve her from the power

of the Romans.

[Footnote 928: Liv. l. xxx. n. 11, 12.]

     This was a great fault in itself, and must necessarily have disobliged a

nation that was so jealous of its authority: but this young prince repaired it

gloriously by the signal services he afterwards rendered Scipio.  We observed,

that after the defeat and capture of Syphax, the dominions of this prince were

bestowed upon him; and that the Carthaginians were forced to restore all he

possessed before. ^929 This gave rise to the divisions we are now about to

relate.

[Footnote 929: Liv. l. xxx. n. 44.]

     A territory situated towards the sea-side, near the Lesser Syrtis, was

the subject of those contests. ^930 The country was very rich, and the soil

extremely fruitful, a proof of which is, that the city of Leptis only, which

belonged to that territory, paid daily a talent to the Carthaginians, by way

of tribute.  Masinissa had seized part of this territory.  Each side

despatched deputies to Rome, to plead the cause of their superiors before the

senate.  This assembly thought proper to send Scipio Africanus, with two other

commissioners, to examine the controversy upon the spot.  However, they

returned without coming to any resolution, and left the business in the same

uncertain state in which they had found it.  Possibly they acted in this

manner by order of the senate, and had received private instructions to favor

Masinissa, who was then possessed of the district in question.

[Footnote 930: Liv. l. xxxiv. n. 62]

     Ten years after, new commissioners having been appointed to examine the

same affair, they acted as the former had done, and left the whole

undetermined. ^931

[Footnote 931: A. M. 3823.  A. Rome, 567. Liv. l. xi. n. 17.]

     After the like distance of time, the Carthaginians again brought their

complaint to the senate, but with greater importunity than before. ^932 They

represented, that besides the territories at first in dispute, Masinissa had

during the two preceding years, dispossesed them of upwards of seventy towns

and castles: that their hands were bound up by the article of the last treaty,

which forbade their making war upon any of the allies of the Romans; that they

could no longer bear the insolence, the avarice, and cruelty of that prince;

that they were deputed to Rome with three requests, which they desired might

be immediately complied with, viz.: either to get orders to have the affair

examined and decided by the senate; or, secondly, that they might be permitted

to repel force by force, and defend themselves by arms; or, lastly, that if

favor was to prevail over justice, they then entreated the Romans to specify,

once for all, which of the Carthaginian lands they were desirous should be

vested in Masinissa, that they, by this means, might hereafter know what they

had to depend on; and that the Roman people would have some regard to them, at

a time when this prince set no other bounds to his pretensions, than his

insatiable avarice.  The deputies concluded with beseeching the Romans, that

if the Carthaginians had been guilty of any crimes with regard to them, since

the conclusion of the last peace, that they themselves would punish them for

it; and not give them up to the wild caprice of a prince, by whom their

liberties were made precarious, and their lives insupportable.  After ending

their speech, being pierced with grief, they fell prostrate upon the earth,

and burst into tears; a scene that moved all who were present to compassion,

and raised a violent hatred against Masinissa.  Gulussa, his son, who was then

present, being asked what he had to reply, answered, that his father had not

given him any instructions, not knowing that any thing would be laid to his

charge.  He only desired the senate to reflect, that the circumstance which

drew all this hatred upon him from the Carthaginians, was the inviolable

fidelity with which he had always been attached to them.  The senate, after

hearing both sides, answered, that they were inclined to do justice to that

party to whom it was due; that Gulussa should set out immediately with their

orders to his father, who thereby was commanded to send deputies with those of

Carthage; that they would do all that lay in their power to serve him, but not

to the prejudice of the Carthaginians; that it was but just the ancient limits

should be preserved; and that it was far from being the intention of the

Romans, to have the Carthaginians dispossessed, during the peace, of those

territories and cities which had been left them by the treaty.  The deputies

of both powers were then dismissed with the usual presents.

[Footnote 932: A. M. 3833.  A. Rome, 577.  Liv. l. xlii. n. 23, 24.]

     All the assurances, however, were but mere words.  It is plain that the

Romans did not once endeavor to satisfy the Carthaginians, or do them the

least justice; and that they protracted the business, on purpose to give

Masinissa an opportunity to establish himself in his usurpation, and weaken

his enemies. ^933

[Footnote 933: Polyb. p. 951.]

     A new deputation was sent to examine the affair upon the spot, and Cato

was one of the commissioners. ^934 On their arrival, they asked the parties if

they were willing to abide by their determination.  Masinissa readily

complied.  The Carthaginians answered, that they had a fixed rule to which

they adhered, and that this was the treaty which had been concluded with

Scipio, and desired that their cause might be examined with all possible

rigor.  They therefore could not come to any decision.  The deputies visited

all the country, and found it in a very good condition, especially the city of

Carthage; and they were surprised to see it, after being involved in such a

calamity, again raised to so exalted a pitch of power and grandeur.  The

senate was told of this, immediately on the return of the deputies; and

declared that Rome could never be in safety, so long as Carthage should

subsist.  From this time, whatever affair was debated in the senate, Cato

always added the following words to his opinion, I conclude that Carthage

ought to be destroyed.  This grave senator did not give himself the trouble to

prove, that bare jealousy of the growing power of a neighboring state is a

sufficient cause for destroying a city, contrary to the faith of treaties.

But Scipio Nasica was of opinion, that the ruin of this city would draw after

it that of their commonwealth; because the Romans, having then no rival to

fear, would quit the ancient severity of their manners, and abandon themselves

to luxury and pleasures, the never-failing subverters of the most flourishing

empires.

[Footnote 934: A. M. 3848.  A. Rome, 582.  App. de. Bell. Pun. p. 37.]

     In the mean time divisions broke out in Carthage. ^935 The popular

faction, having now become superior to that of the grandees and senators, sent

forty citizens into banishment; and bound the people by an oath, never to

suffer the least mention to be made of recalling those exiles. They withdrew

to the court of Masinissa, who despatched Gulussa and Micipsa, his two sons,

to Carthage, to solicit their return.  But the gates of the city were shut

against them, and one of them was closely pursued by Hamilcar, one of the

generals of the republic.  This gave rise to a new war, and accordingly armies

were levied on both sides.  A battle was fought; and the younger Scipio, who

afterwards ruined Carthage, was spectator of it.  He had been sent from

Lucullus in Spain, under whom Scipio then fought, to Masinissa, to desire some

elephants from that monarch.  During the whole engagement, he stood upon a

neighboring hill, and was surprised to see Masinissa, then eighty-eight years

of age, mounted, agreeably to the custom of his country, on a horse without a

saddle; flying from rank to rank, like a young officer, and sustaining the

most arduous toils.  The fight was very obstinate, and continued all day, but

at last the Carthaginians gave way.  Scipio used to say afterwards, that he

had been present at many battles, but at none with so much pleasure as this;

having never before beheld so formidable an army engage, without any danger or

trouble to himself.  And being very conversant in the writings of Homer, he

added, that till his time, there were but two more who had been spectators of

such an action, viz.: Jupiter from mount Ida, and Neptune from Samothrace,

when the Greeks and Trojans fought before Troy.  I know not whether the sight

of a hundred thousand men (the number engaged), butchering one another, can

administer a real pleasure, or whether such a pleasure is consistent with the

sentiments of humanity, so natural to mankind.

[Footnote 935: App. p. 38.]

     The Carthaginians, after the battle was over, entreated Scipio to

terminate their contests with Masinissa. ^936 Accordingly, he heard both

parties, and the Carthaginians consented to relinquish the territory of

Emporium, ^937 which had been the first cause of their division; to pay

Masinissa two hundred talents of silver down, and eight hundred more at such

times as should be agreed on.  But Masinissa insisting on the return of the

exiles, they did not come to any decision.  Scipio, after having paid his

compliments, and returned thanks to Masinissa, set out with the elephants for

which he had been sent.

[Footnote 936: App. de Bell. Pun. p. 40.]

[Footnote 937: Emporium, or Emporia, was a country of africa, on the Lesser

Syrtis, in which Leptis stood.  No part of the Carthaginian dominions was more

fruitful than this.  Polybius, l. 1, says, that the revenue that arose from

this place was so considerable, that all their hopes were almost founded on

it, viz.: their revenues from Emporia.  To this was owing their care and

state-jealousy above mentioned, lest the Romans should sail beyond the Fair

Promontory, that lay before Carthage, and become acquainted with a country

which might induce them to attempt the conquest of it.]

     The king, immediately after the battle was over, had blocked up the

enemy's camp, which was pitched upon a hill, where neither troops nor

provisions could come to them. ^938 During this interval, there arrived

deputies from Rome, with orders from the senate to decide the quarrel, in case

the king should be defeated, otherwise to leave it undetermined, and to give

the king the strongest assurance of the continuation of their friendship,

which they did.  In the mean time, the famine daily increased in the enemy's

camp, which, being heightened by the plague, occasioned a new calamity, and

made dreadful havoc.  Being now reduced to the last extremity, they

surrendered to Masinissa, promising to deliver up the deserters, to pay him

five thousand talents of silver in fifty years, and restore the exiles,

notwithstanding their oaths to the contrary.  They all submitted to the

ignominious ceremony of passing under the yoke, ^939 and were dismissed with

only one suit of clothes for each.  Gulussa, to satiate his vengeance for the

ill treatment which we before observed he had met with, sent out against them

a body of cavalry, whom, from their great weakness, they could neither escape

nor resist; so that, of fifty- eight thousand men, very few returned to

Carthage.

[Footnote 938: App. de Bell. Pun. p. 40.]

[Footnote 939: Ils furent tous passes le joug; - sub jugum missi.  A kind of

gallows, made by two forked sticks standing upright, was erected, and a spear

laid across, under which vanquished enemies were obliged to pass. - Festus.]

Section VI.

Article III: - The Third Punic War

     The third Punic war, which was less considerable than either of the

former, with regard to the number and greatness of the battles, and its

continuance, which was only four years, was still more remarkable with respect

to the success and event of it, as it ended in the total ruin and destruction

of Carthage. ^940

[Footnote 940: A. M. 3855.  A. Carth. 697.  A. Rome. 599.  Ant. J. C. 149.]

     The inhabitants, from their last defeat, knew what they might naturally

fear from the Romans, from whom, they had always met with the most rigorous

treatment, after they had addressed them upon their disputes with Masinissa.

^941 To prevent the consequences of it, the Carthaginians, by a decree of the

senate, impeached Asdrubal, general of the army, and Carthalo, commander of

the auxiliary forces, as guilty of high treason, for being the authors of the

war against the king of Numidia. ^942 They then sent a deputation to Rome, to

inquire what opinion that republic entertained of their late proceedings, and

what was desired of them.  The deputies were coldly answered, that it was the

business of the senate and people of Carthage to know what satisfaction was

due to the Romans.  A second deputation bringing them no clearer answer, they

fell into the greatest dejection, and being seized with the strongest terrors,

upon recollecting their past sufferings, they fancied the enemy was already at

their gates, and imagined to themselves all the dismal consequences of a long

siege, and a city taken by the sword. ^943

[Footnote 941: Appian, pp. 41, 42.]

[Footnote 942: The foreign forces were commanded by leaders of their

respective nations, who were all under the command of a Carthaginian officer,

called by Appian.]

[Footnote 943: Plut. in vita Cat. p. 252.]

     In the mean time the senate debated at Rome, on the measures it would be

proper for them to take, and the disputes between Cato and Scipio Nasica, who

were of quite different opinions on this subject, were renewed. ^944 The

former, on his return from Africa, had declared, in the strongest terms, that

he had not found Carthage exhausted of men or money, nor in so weak and humble

a state as the Romans supposed it to be; but on the contrary, that it was

crowded with vigorous young men, abounded with immense quantities of gold and

silver, and prodigious magazines of arms and all warlike stores; and was so

haughty and confident on account of this force, that their hopes and ambition

had no bounds.  It is farther said, that after he had ended his speech, he

threw out of the fold of his robe into the midst of the senate, some African

figs, and as the senators admired their beauty and size, Know, says he, that

it is but three days since these figs were gathered.  Such is the distance

between the enemy and us. ^945

[Footnote 944: Ibid. p. 352.]

[Footnote 945: Plin. l. xv. c. 18.]

     Cato and Nasica had each of them their reasons for voting as they did.

^946 Nasica, observing that the people rose to such a height of insolence, as

threw them into excesses of every kind; that their prosperity had swelled them

with a pride which their senate itself was not able to check; and that their

power had become so enormous, that they were able to draw the city, by force,

into every mad design they might undertake, was desirous that they should

continue in fear of Carthage, as a curb to restrain their audacious conduct.

For it was his opinion, that the Carthaginians were too weak to subdue the

Romans, and at the same time so powerful, that it was not for the interest of

the Romans to consider them in a contemptible light.  With regard to Cato, he

thought, that as his countrymen were become haughty and insolent by success,

and plunged headlong into dissipation of every kind; nothing could be more

dangerous than for it to have a rival city, to whom the Romans were odious; a

city that, till now, had been powerful, but was become, even by its

misfortunes, more wise and provident than ever; and therefore, that it would

not be safe to remove the fears of the inhabitants entirely with regard to a

foreign power, since they had, within their own walls, all the opportunities

of indulging themselves in excesses of every kind.

[Footnote 946: Plut. ibid. in vita Cat.]

     To lay aside, for one instant, the laws of equity, I leave the reader to

determine which of these two great men reasoned most justly, according to the

maxims of sound policy, and the true interests of a state.  One undoubted

circumstance is, that all historians have observed that there was a sensible

change in the conduct and government of the Romans, immediately after the ruin

of Carthage; ^947 that vice no longer made its way into Rome with a timorous

pace, and as it were by stealth, but appeared openly, and seized, with

astonishing rapidity, all orders of the republic; that senators, plebeians, in

a word, all conditions, abandoned themselves to luxury and voluptuousness,

without having the least regard to, or sense of decency, which occasioned, as

it must necessarily, the ruin of the state.  "The first Scipio," ^948

Paterculus, speaking of the Romans, "had laid the foundations of their future

grandeur; and the last, by his conquests, had opened a door to all manner of

luxury and dissoluteness.  For after Carthage, which obliged Rome to stand for

ever on its guard, by disputing empire with that city, had been totally

destroyed, the depravity of manners was no longer slow in its progress, but

swelled at once beyond all conception."

[Footnote 947: Ubi Carthago, et aemula imperii Romani ab stirpe interiit,

Fortuna saevire ac miscere omnia coepit. - Sallust in Bell. Catilin.

     Ante Carthaginem deletam, populus et senatus Romanus placide modesteque

inter se Remp. tractabant. - Metus hostilis in bonis artibus civitatem

retinebat.  Sed ubi formido illa mentibus decessit, illicet ea, quae secundae

res amant, lascivia atque superbia incessere. - Sallust in Bello Jugurthino.]

[Footnote 948: Potentiae Romanorum prior Scipio viam aperuerat, luxuriae

posterior aperuit Quippe remoto Carthaginis metu, sublataque imperii aemula,

non gradu sed praecipiti cursu a virtute descitum, ad vita transcurrunt. -

Vel. Paterc. l. ii. c. 1.]

     Be this as it may, the senate resolved to declare war against the

Carthaginians; and the reasons, or pretences, urged for it, were their keeping

up ships, contrary to the tenor of treaties; their sending an army out of

their territories, against a prince who was in alliance with Rome, and whose

son they treated ill, at the time he was accompanied by a Roman ambassador.

^949

[Footnote 949: App. p. 42.]

     An event that by chance occurred very fortunately while the senate of

Rome was debating on the affair of Carthage, contributed, doubtless, very much

to make them take that resolution. ^950 This was the arrival of deputies from

Utica, who came to surrender themselves, their effects, their territories, and

their city, into the hands of the Romans.  Nothing could have happened more

seasonably.  Utica was the second city of Africa, vastly rich, and had an

equally spacious and commodious port; it stood within sixty furlongs of

Carthage, so that it might serve as a depot of arms in the attack of that

city.  The Romans now hesitated no longer, but proclaimed war. M. Manilius,

and L. Marcius Censorinus, the two consuls, were desired to set out as soon as

possible.  They had secret orders from the senate, not to end the war but by

the destruction of Carthage.  The consuls immediately left Rome, and stopped

at Lilybaeum in Sicily.  They had a considerable fleet, on board of which were

fourscore thousand foot, and about four thousand horse.

[Footnote 950: A. M. 3856.  A. Rome, 600.  App. bell. Pun. 42]

     The Carthaginians were not yet acquainted with the resolutions which had

been taken at Rome. ^951 The answer brought back by their deputies had only

increased their fears, viz.: It was the business of the Carthaginians to

consider what satisfaction was due to the Romans.  This made them not know

what course to take.  At last they sent new deputies, whom they invested with

full powers to act as they should see proper; and even, what the former wars

could never make them stoop to, to declare that the Carthaginians gave up

themselves, and all they possessed, to the will and pleasure of the Romans.

This, according to the import of the clause, se suaque eorum arbitrio

permittere, was submitting themselves, without reserve, to the power of the

Romans, and becoming their vassals. Nevertheless, they did not expect any

great success from this condescension, though so very mortifying; as the

Uticans had been beforehand with them on that occasion, and had thus deprived

them of the merit of a ready and voluntary submission.

[Footnote 951: Polyb. excerpt. legat. p. 972.]

     The deputies, on their arrival at Rome, were informed that war had been

proclaimed, and that the army was set out.  The Romans had despatched a

courier to Carthage, with the decree of the senate, and to inform that city

that the Roman fleet had sailed.  The deputies had therefore no time for

deliberation, but delivered up themselves, and all they possessed, to the

Romans.  In consequence of this behavior, they were answered, that since they

had at last taken a right step, the senate granted them their liberty, the

enjoyment of their laws, all their territories and other possessions, whether

public or private, provided that, within the space of thirty days, they should

send as hostages, to Lilybaeum, three hundred young Carthaginians of the first

distinction, and comply with the orders of the consuls.  The last condition

filled them with inexpressible anxiety: but the concern they were under would

not allow them to make the least reply, or to demand an explanation; nor

indeed would it have been to any purpose.  They therefore set out for

Carthage, and there gave an account of their embassy.

     All the articles of the treaty were extremely severe with regard to the

Carthaginians; but the silence of the Romans with respect to the cities, of

which no notice was taken in the concessions which that people were willing to

make, perplexed them exceedingly.  All they had to do was to obey.  After the

many former and recent losses the Carthaginians had sustained, they were by no

means in a condition to resist such an enemy, since they had not been able to

oppose Masinissa.  Troops, provisions, ships, allies, in a word, every thing

was wanting, and hope and vigor more than all the rest. ^952

[Footnote 952: Polyb. excerpt. legat. p. 972.]

     They did not think proper to wait till the thirty days which had been

allowed them were expired, but immediately sent their hostages, in order to

soften the enemy by the readiness of their obedience, though they could by no

means flatter themselves with the hopes of meeting with favor on this

occasion.  These hostages were in a manner the flower, and the only hopes, of

the noblest families of Carthage.  Never was there a more moving scene;

nothing was now heard but cries, nothing seen but tears, and all places echoed

with groans and lamentations!  But, above all, the unhappy mothers, bathed in

tears, tore their dishevelled hair, beat their breasts, and, as grief and

despair had distracted them, cried out in such a manner, as might have moved

the most savage breasts to compassion.  But the scene was much more mournful,

when the fatal moment of their separation arrived; when, after having

accompanied their dear children to the ship, they bid them a long, last

farewell, persuaded that they should never see them more; they wept a flood of

tears over them; embraced them with the utmost fondness; clasped them eagerly

in their arms; could not be prevailed upon to part with them till they were

forced away, which was more grievous and afflicting than if their hearts had

been torn out of then breasts.  The hostages being arrived in Sicily, were

carried from thence to Rome; and the consuls told the deputies, that when they

should arrive at Utica, they would acquaint them with the orders of the

republic.

     In such a situation of affairs, nothing can be more grievous than a state

of uncertainty, which, without descending to particulars, presents to the mind

the blackest scenes of misery.  As soon as it was known that the fleet was

arrived at Utica, the deputies repaired to the Roman camp, signifying that

they were come, in the name of their republic, to receive the commands which

they were ready to obey.  The consul, after praising their good disposition

and compliance, commanded them to deliver up to him, without fraud or delay,

all their arms.  This they consented to, but besought him to reflect on the

sad condition to which he was reducing them, at a time when Asdrubal, whose

quarrel against them was owing to no other cause than their perfect submission

to the orders of the Romans, was advanced almost to their gates, with an army

of twenty thousand men.  The answer returned them was, That the Romans would

set that matter right. ^953

[Footnote 953: Polyb. p. 975.  Appian, pp. 44-46.]

     This order was immediately put in execution. ^954 There arrived in the

camp a long train of wagons, loaded with all the preparations of war, taken

out of Carthage; two hundred thousand complete sets of armor, a numberless

multitude of darts and javelins, with two thousand engines for shooting darts

and stones. ^955 Then followed the deputies of Carthage, accompanied by the

most venerable senators and priests, who came purposely to try to move the

Romans to compassion in this critical moment, when their sentence was about to

be pronounced, and their fate would be irrevocable.  Censorinus, the consul,

for it was he who spoke all this time, rose up for a moment at their coming,

and expressed some kindness and affection for them, but suddenly assuming a

grave and severe countenance, "I cannot," says he, "but commend the readiness

with which you execute the orders of the senate.  They have commanded me to

tell you, that it is their absolute will and pleasure that you depart out of

Carthage, which they have resolved to destroy; and that you remove into any

other part of your dominions, as you shall think proper, provided it be at the

distance of eight stadia ^956 from the sea." [Footnote 954: Appian, p. 46.]

[Footnote 954: Appian, p. 46.]

[Footnote 955: Balistae,or Catapultae.]

[Footnote 956: Four leagues, or twelve miles]

     The instant the consul had pronounced this fulminating decree, nothing

was heard among the Carthaginians but lamentable shrieks and howlings.  Being

now in a manner thunderstruck, they neither knew where they were, nor what

they did; but rolled themselves in the dust, tearing their clothes, and unable

to vent their grief any otherwise, than in broken sighs and deep groans.

Being afterwards a little recovered, they lifted up their hands with the air

of suppliants, one moment towards the gods, and the next towards the Romans,

imploring their mercy and justice with regard to a people who would soon be

reduced to the extremity of despair.  But, as both the gods and men were deaf

to their fervent prayers, they soon changed them into reproaches and

imprecations, bidding the Romans call to mind, that there were such beings as

avenging deities, whose severe eyes were for ever open on guilt and treachery.

The Romans themselves could not refrain from tears at so moving a spectacle,

but their resolution was fixed.  The deputies could not even prevail so far as

to get the execution of this order suspended, till they should have an

opportunity of presenting themselves again before the senate to get it revoked

if possible.  They were forced to set out immediately, and carry the answer to

Carthage. ^957

[Footnote 957: Appian, pp. 46-53.]

     The people waited for their return with such an impatience and terror, as

words could never express.  It was scarcely possible for them to break through

the crowd, that flocked round them, to hear the answer, which was but too

strongly painted in their faces.  When they were come into the senate, and had

declared the barbarous orders of the Romans, a general shriek informed the

people of their too lamentable fate; and, from that instant, nothing was seen

nor heard, in every part of the city, but howling and despair, madness and

fury. ^958

[Footnote 958: Idem. pp. 53, 54.]

     The reader will here give me leave to interrupt the course of the history

for a moment, to reflect on the conduct of the Romans.  It is to be regretted

that the fragment of Polybius, where an account is given of this deputation,

should end exactly in the most affecting part of this event.  I should set a

much higher value on one short reflection of so judicious an author, than on

the long harangues which Appian ascribes to the deputies and the consul.  I

can never believe that so rational, judicious, and just a man as Polybius,

could have approved the proceeding of the Romans on the present occasion.  We

do not here discover, in my opinion, any of the characteristics which

distinguished them anciently; that greatness of soul, that rectitude, that

utter abhorrence of all mean artifices, frauds, and impostures, which, as is

somewhere said, formed no part of the Roman character; Minime Romanis artibus.

Why did not the Romans attack the Carthaginians by open force?  Why should

they declare expressly in a treaty, a most solemn and sacred thing, that they

allowed them the full enjoyment of their liberties and laws; and understand,

at the same time, certain private conditions, which proved the entire ruin of

both?  Why should they conceal, under the scandalous omission of the word city

in this treaty, the black design of destroying Carthage; as if, beneath the

cover of such an equivocation, they might destroy it with justice?  In fine,

why did the Romans not make their last declaration, till after they had

extorted from the Carthaginians, at different times, their hostages and arms;

that is, till they had absolutely rendered them incapable of disobeying their

most arbitrary commands?  Is it not manifest that Carthage, notwithstanding

all its defeats and losses, though it was weakened and almost exhausted, was

still a terror to the Romans, and that they were persuaded they were not able

to conquer it by force of arms?  It is very dangerous to be possessed of so

much power as may enable one to commit injustice with impunity, and with the

prospect of being a gainer by it.  The experience of all ages shows, that

states seldom scruple to commit injustice, when they think it will conduce to

their advantage.

     The noble character which Polybius gives of the Achaeans, differs widely

from what was practised here.  These people, says he, far from using artifice

and deceit with regard to their allies, in order to enlarge their power, did

not think themselves allowed to employ them even against their enemies;

considering only those victories solid and glorious, which were obtained sword

in hand, by dint of courage and bravery.  He owns, in the same place, that

there then remained among the Romans but very faint traces of the former

generosity of their ancestors; and he thinks it incumbent on him, as he

declares, to make this remark, in opposition to a maxim which had grown very

common in his time, among persons in the administration of governments, who

imagined that honesty is inconsistent with good policy, and that it is

impossible to succeed in the administration of state affairs, either in war or

peace, without using fraud and deceit on some occasions. ^959

[Footnote 959: Polyb. l. xvii. pp. 671, 672.]

     I now return to my subject.  The consuls made no great haste to march

against Carthage, not suspecting they had reason to be under any apprehensions

from that city, as it was now disarmed.  However, the inhabitants took the

opportunity of this delay, to put themselves in a posture of defence, being

unanimously resolved not to quit the city.  They appointed as general without

the walls, Asdrubal, who was at the head of twenty thousand men, and to whom

deputies were sent accordingly, to entreat him to forget, for his country's

sake, the injustice which had been done him from the dread they were under of

the Romans.  The command of the troops within the walls was given to another

Asdrubal, grandson of Masinissa.  They then applied themselves to making arms

with incredible expedition.  The temples, the palaces, the open markets and

squares were all changed into so many arsenals, where men and women worked day

and night.  A hundred and forty shields, three hundred swords, five hundred

pikes or javelins, a thousand arrows, and a great number of engines to

discharge them, were made daily; and, there being a deficiency of materials to

make ropes, the women cut off their hair, and abundantly supplied their wants

on this occasion. ^960

[Footnote 960: Appian, p. 55.  Strabo, l. xvii. p. 382.]

     Masinissa was very much disgusted at the Romans because, after he had

extremely weakened the Carthaginians, they came and reaped the fruits of his

victory, without acquainting him in any manner with their design, which

circumstance caused some coldness between them. ^961

[Footnote 961: Appian. p. 5.]

     During this interval, the consuls were advancing towards the city, in

order to besiege it.  As they expected nothing less than a vigorous

resistance, the incredible resolution and courage of the besieged filled them

with the utmost astonishment.  The Carthaginians were continually making the

boldest sallies, in order to repulse the besiegers, to burn their engines, and

harass their foragers.  Censorinus attacked the city on one side, and Manilius

on the other.  Scipio, afterwards surnamed Africanus, was then a tribune in

the army, and distinguished himself above the rest of the officers, no less by

his prudence than by his bravery. The consul, under whom he fought, committed

many oversights, by refusing to follow his advice.  This young officer

extricated the troops from several dangers into which their imprudent leaders

had plunged them. Phamaeas, a celebrated general of the enemy's cavalry, who

continually harassed the foragers, did not dare even to keep the field when it

was Scipio's turn to support them; so capable was he of directing his troops,

and posting himself to advantage.  So great and universal a reputation excited

some envy against him in the beginning; but, as he behaved in all respects

with the utmost modesty and reserve, that envy was soon changed into

admiration; so that, when the senate sent deputies to the camp to inquire into

the state of the siege, the whole army gave him unanimously the highest

commendations; the soldiers, as well as officers, nay, the very generals,

extolled the merit of young Scipio; so necessary is it for a man to soften, if

I may be allowed the expression, the splendor of his rising glory, by a mild

and modest deportment, and not excite the jealousy of people by haughty and

self-sufficient behavior, as it naturally awakens pride in others, and makes

even virtue itself odious! ^962

[Footnote 962: Appian, pp. 53-58.]

     About the same time Masinissa, finding his end approach, sent to desire a

visit from Scipio, that he might invest him with full powers to dispose, as he

should see proper, of his kingdom and estate, in behalf of his children.  But,

on Scipio's arrival, he found that monarch dead. Masinissa had commanded them,

with his dying breath, to follow implicitly the directions of Scipio, whom he

appointed to be a kind of father and guardian to them.  I shall give no

further account here of the family and posterity of Masinissa, because that

would interrupt too much the history of Carthage. ^963

[Footnote 963: A. M. 3857.  A. Rome, 601.  Strabo, l. xvii. p. 62]

     The high esteem which Phamaeas entertained for Scipio, induced him to

forsake the Carthaginians, and go over to the Romans.  Accordingly, he joined

him with above two thousand horse, and did great service at the siege. ^964

[Footnote 964: Strabo, l. xvii. p. 65.]

     Calpurnius Piso, the consul, and L. Mancinus his lieutenant, arrived in

Africa in the beginning of the spring.  Nothing remarkable was transacted

during this campaign.  The Romans were even defeated on several occasions, and

carried on the siege of Carthage but slowly.  The besieged, on the contrary,

had recovered their spirits.  Their troops were considerably increased, they

daily got new allies, and even sent an express as far as Macedonia, to the

pretender Philip, ^965 who passed for the son of Perseus, and was then engaged

in a war with the Romans, to exhort him to carry it on with vigor, and

promising to furnish him with money and ships. ^966

[Footnote 965: Andriscus.]

[Footnote 966: Andriscus, p. 66.]

     This news occasioned some uneasiness at Rome.  People began to doubt the

success of a war which grew daily more uncertain, and was more important than

had at first been imagined.  They were dissatisfied with the dilatoriness of

the generals, and exclaimed at their conduct, but unanimously agreed in

applauding young Scipio, and extolling his rare and uncommon virtues.  He had

come to Rome, in order to stand candidate for the edileship. ^967 The instant

he appeared in the assembly, his name, his countenance, his reputation, a

general persuasion that he was designed by the gods to end the third Punic

war, as the first Scipio, his grandfather by adoption, had terminated the

second; these several circumstances made a very strong impression on the

people, and though it was contrary to law, and therefore opposed by the

ancient men, instead of the edileship which he sued for, disregarding for once

the laws, conferred the consulship upon him, ^968 and assigned him Africa for

his province, without casting lots for the provinces as usual, and as Drusus

his colleague demanded.

[Footnote 967: Ibid. p. 68.]

[Footnote 968: A. M. 3858.  A. Rome. 602.]

     As soon as Scipio had completed his recruits, he set out for S