(died 323 B.C.E.)
By Plutarch
Written 75 A.C.E.
Biography
Conquest
Translated by John Dryden
IT being my purpose to write the lives of Alexander the king, and of Caesar,
by whom Pompey was destroyed, the multitude of their great actions affords so
large a field that I were to blame if I should not by way of apology forewarn my
reader that I have chosen rather to epitomize the most celebrated parts of their
story, than to insist at large on every particular circumstance of it. It must
be borne in mind that my design is not to write histories, but lives. And the
most glorious exploits do not always furnish us with the clearest discoveries of
virtue or vice in men; sometimes a matter of less moment, an expression or a
jest, informs us better of their characters and inclinations, than the most
famous sieges, the greatest armaments, or the bloodiest battles whatsoever.
Therefore as portrait-painters are more exact in the lines and features of the
face, in which the character is seen, than in the other parts of the body, so I
must be allowed to give my more particular attention to the marks and
indications of the souls of men, and while I endeavour by these to portray their
lives, may be free to leave more weighty matters and great battles to be treated
of by others.
It is agreed on by all hands, that on the father's side, Alexander descended
from Hercules by Caranus, and from Aeacus by Neoptolemus on the mother's side.
His father Philip, being in Samothrace, when he was quite young, fell in love
there with Olympias, in company with whom he was initiated in the religious
ceremonies of the country, and her father and mother being both dead, soon
after, with the consent of her brother, Arymbas, he married her. The night
before the consummation of their marriage, she dreamed that a thunderbolt fell
upon her body, which kindled a great fire, whose divided flames dispersed
themselves all about, and then were extinguished. And Philip, some time after he
was married, dreamt that he sealed up his wife's body with a seal, whose
impression, as be fancied, was the figure of a lion. Some of the diviners
interpreted this as a warning to Philip to look narrowly to his wife; but
Aristander of Telmessus, considering how unusual it was to seal up anything that
was empty, assured him the meaning of his dream was that the queen was with
child of a boy, who would one day prove as stout and courageous as a lion. Once,
moreover, a serpent was found lying by Olympias as she slept, which more than
anything else, it is said, abated Philip's passion for her; and whether he
feared her as an enchantress, or thought she had commerce with some god, and so
looked on himself as excluded, he was ever after less fond of her conversation.
Others say, that the women of this country having always been extremely addicted
to the enthusiastic Orphic rites, and the wild worship of Bacchus (upon which
account they were called Clodones, and Mimallones), imitated in many things the
practices of the Edonian and Thracian women about Mount Haemus, from whom the
word threskeuein seems to have been derived, as a special term for superfluous
and over-curious forms of adoration; and that Olympias, zealously, affecting
these fanatical and enthusiastic inspirations, to perform them with more
barbaric dread, was wont in the dances proper to these ceremonies to have great
tame serpents about her, which sometimes creeping out of the ivy in the mystic
fans, sometimes winding themselves about the sacred spears, and the women's
chaplets, made a spectacle which men could not look upon without terror.
Philip, after this vision, sent Chaeron of Megalopolis to consult the oracle of
Apollo at Delphi, by which he was commanded to perform sacrifice, and henceforth
pay particular honour, above all other gods, to Ammon; and was told he should
one day lose that eye with which he presumed to peep through that chink of the
door, when he saw the god, under the form of a serpent, in the company of his
wife. Eratosthenes says that Olympias, when she attended Alexander on his way to
the army in his first expedition, told him the secret of his birth, and bade him
behave himself with courage suitable to his divine extraction. Others again
affirm that she wholly disclaimed any pretensions of the kind, and was wont to
say, "When will Alexander leave off slandering me to Juno?"
Alexander was born the sixth of Hecatombaeon, which month the Macedonians call
Lous, the same day that the temple of Diana at Ephesus was burnt;which Hegesias
of Magnesia makes the occasion of a conceit, frigid enough to have stopped the
conflagration. The temple, he says, took fire and wasburnt while its mistress
was absent, assisting at the birth of Alexander. And all the Eastern soothsayers
who happened to be then at Ephesus, lookingupon the ruin of this temple to be
the forerunner of some other calamity, ran about the town, beating their faces,
and crying that this day had broughtforth something that would prove fatal and
destructive to all Asia.
Just after Philip had taken Potidaea, he received these three messagesat one
time, that Parmenio had overthrown the Illyrians in a great battle,that his
race-horse had won the course at the Olympic games, and that hiswife had given
birth to Alexander; with which being naturally well pleased,as an addition to
his satisfaction, he was assured by the diviners that a son, whose birth was
accompanied with three such successes, could notfail of being invincible.
The statues that gave the best representation of Alexander's person were those
of Lysippus (by whom alone he would suffer his image to be made),those
peculiarities which many of his successors afterwards and his friends used to
affect to imitate, the inclination of his head a little on one side towards his
left shoulder, and his melting eye, having been expressed by this artist with
great exactness. But Apelles, who drew him with thunderbolts in his hand, made
his complexion browner and darker than it was naturally;for he was fair and of a
light colour, passing into ruddiness in his face and upon his breast.
Aristoxenus in his Memoirs tells us that a most agreeableodour exhaled from his
skin, and that his breath and body all over was so fragrant as to perfume the
clothes which he wore next him; the cause of which might probably be the hot and
adust temperament of his body. Forsweet smells, Theophrastus conceives, are
produced by the concoction of moist humours by heat, which is the reason that
those parts of the worldwhich are driest and most burnt up afford spices of the
best kind and inthe greatest quantity; for the heat of the sun exhausts all the
superfluousmoisture which lies in the surface of bodies, ready to generate
putrefaction. And this hot constitution, it may be, rendered Alexander so
addicted to drinking, and so choleric. His temperance, as to the pleasures of
the body, was apparent in him in his very childhood, as he was with much
difficulty incited to them, and always used them with great moderation; though
in other things be was extremely eager and vehement, and in his love of glory,
and the pursuit of it, he showed a solidity of high spirit and magnanimity far
above his age. For he neither sought nor valued it upon every occasion, as his
father Philip did (who affected to show his eloquence almost to a degree of
pedantry, and took care to have the victories of his racing chariots at the
Olympic games engraven on his coin), but when he was asked by some about him,
whether he would run a race in the Olympic games, as he was very swift-footed,
he answered, he would, if he might have kings to run with him. Indeed, he seems
in general to have looked with indifference, if not with dislike, upon the
professed athletes. He often appointed prizes, for which not only tragedians and
musicians, pipers and harpers, but rhapsodists also, strove to outvie one
another; and delighted in all manner of hunting and cudgel-playing, but never
gave any encouragement to contests either of boxing or of the pancratium.
While he was yet very young, he entertained the ambassadors from the King of
Persia, in the absence of his father, and entering much into conversation with
them, gained so much upon them by his affability, and the questions he asked
them, which were far from being childish or trifling (for he inquired of them
the length of the ways, the nature of the road into inner Asia, the character of
their king, how he carried himself to his enemies, and what forces he was able
to bring into the field), that they were struck with admiration of him, and
looked upon the ability so much famed of Philip to be nothing in comparison with
the forwardness and high purpose that appeared thus early in his son. Whenever
he heard Philip had taken any town of importance, or won any signal victory,
instead of rejoicing at it altogether, he would tell his companions that his
father would anticipate everything, and leave him and them no opportunities of
performing great and illustrious actions. For being more bent upon action and
glory than either upon pleasure or riches, he esteemed all that he should
receive from his father as a diminution and prevention of his own future
achievements; and would have chosen rather to succeed to a kingdom involved in
troubles and wars, which would have afforded him frequent exercise of his
courage, and a large field of honour, than to one already flourishing and
settled, where his inheritance would be an inactive life, and the mere enjoyment
of wealth and luxury.
The care of his education, as it might be presumed, was committed to a great
many attendants, preceptors, and teachers, over the whole of whom Leonidas, a
near kinsman of Olympias, a man of an austere temper, presided, who did not
indeed himself decline the name of what in reality is a noble and honourable
office, but in general his dignity, and his near relationship, obtained him from
other people the title of Alexander's foster-father and governor. But he who
took upon him the actual place and style of his pedagogue was Lysimachus the
Acarnanian, who, though he had nothing to recommend him, but his lucky fancy of
calling himself Phoenix, Alexander Achilles and Philip Peleus, was therefore
well enough esteemed, and ranked in the next degree after Leonidas.
Philonicus the Thessalian brought the horse Bucephalus to Philip, offering to
sell him for thirteen talents; but when they went into the field to try him,
they found him so very vicious and unmanageable, that he reared up when they
endeavoured to mount him, and would not so much as endure the voice of any of
Philip's attendants. Upon which, as they were leading him away as wholly useless
and untractable, Alexander, who stood by, said, "What an excellent horse do they
lose for want of address and boldness to manage him!" Philip at first took no
notice of what he said; but when he heard him repeat the same thing several
times, and saw he was much vexed to see the horse sent away, "Do you reproach,"
said he to him, "those who are older than yourself, as if you knew more, and
were better able to manage him than they?" "I could manage this horse," replied
he, "better than others do." "And if you do not," said Philip, "what will you
forfeit for your rashness?" "I will pay," answered Alexander, "the whole price
of the horse." At this the whole company fell a-laughing; and as soon as the
wager was settled amongst them, he immediately ran to the horse, and taking hold
of the bridle, turned him directly towards the sun, having, it seems, observed
that he was disturbed at and afraid of the motion of his own shadow; then
letting him go forward a little, still keeping the reins in his hands, and
stroking him gently when he found him begin to grow eager and fiery, he let fall
his upper garment softly, and with one nimble leap securely mounted him, and
when he was seated, by little and little drew in the bridle, and curbed him
without either striking or spurring him. Presently, when he found him free from
all rebelliousness, and only impatient for the course, he let him go at full
speed, inciting him now with a commanding voice, and urging him also with his
heel. Philip and his friends looked on at first in silence and anxiety for the
result, till seeing him turn at the end of his career, and come back rejoicing
and triumphing for what he had performed, they all burst out into acclamations
of applause; and his father shedding tears, it is said, for joy, kissed him as
he came down from his horse, and in his transport said, "O my son, look thee out
a kingdom equal to and worthy of thyself, for Macedonia is too little for thee."
After this, considering him to be of a temper easy to be led to his duty by
reason, but by no means to be compelled, he always endeavoured to persuade
rather than to command or force him to anything; and now looking upon the
instruction and tuition of his youth to be of greater difficulty and importance
than to be wholly trusted to the ordinary masters in music and poetry, and the
common school subjects, and to require, as Sophocles says-
"The bridle and the rudder too," he sent for Aristotle, the most learned and
most celebrated philosopher of his time, and rewarded him with a munificence
proportionable to and becoming the care he took to instruct his son. For he
repeopled his native city Stagira, which he had caused to be demolished a little
before, and restored all the citizens, who were in exile or slavery, to their
habitations. As a place for the pursuit of their studies and exercise, he
assigned the temple of the Nymphs, near Mieza, where, to this very day, they
show you Aristotle's stone seats, and the shady walks which he was wont to
frequent. It would appear that Alexander received from him not only his
doctrines of Morals and of Politics, but also something of those more abstruse
and profound theories which these philosophers, by the very names they gave
them, professed to reserve for oral communication to the initiated, and did not
allow many to become acquainted with. For when he was in Asia, and heard
Aristotle had published some treatises of that kind, he wrote to him, using very
plain language to him in behalf of philosophy, the following letter. "Alexander
to Aristotle, greeting. You have not done well to publish your books of oral
doctrine; for what is there now that we excel others in, if those things which
we have been particularly instructed in be laid open to all? For my part, I
assure you, I had rather excel others in the knowledge of what is excellent,
than in the extent of my power and dominion. Farewell." And Aristotle, soothing
this passion for pre-eminence, speaks, in his excuse for himself, of these
doctrines as in fact both published and not published: as indeed, to say the
truth, his books on metaphysics are written in a style which makes them useless
for ordinary teaching, and instructive only, in the way of memoranda, for those
who have been already conversant in that sort of learning.
Doubtless also it was to Aristotle that he owed the inclination he had, not to
the theory only, but likewise to the practice of the art of medicine. For when
any of his friends were sick, he would often prescribe them their course of
diet, and medicines proper to their disease, as we may find in his epistles. He
was naturally a great lover of all kinds of learning and reading; and
Onesicritus informs us that he constantly laid Homer's Iliads, according to the
copy corrected by Aristotle, called the casket copy, with his dagger under his
pillow, declaring that he esteemed it a perfect portable treasure of all
military virtue and knowledge. When he was in the upper Asia, being destitute of
other books, he ordered Harpalus to send him some; who furnished him with
Philistus's History, a great many of the plays of Euripides, Sophocles, and
Aeschylus, and some dithyrambic odes, composed by Telestes and Philoxenus. For a
while he loved and cherished Aristotle no less, as he was wont to say himself,
than if he had been his father, giving this reason for it, that as he had
received life from the one, so the other had taught him to live well. But
afterwards, upon some mistrust of him, yet not so great as to make him do him
any hurt, his familiarity and friendly kindness to him abated so much of its
former force and affectionateness, as to make it evident he was alienated from
him. However, his violent thirst after and passion for learning, which were once
implanted, still grew up with him, and never decayed; as appears by his
veneration of Anaxarchus, by the present of fifty talents which he sent to
Xenocrates, and his particular care and esteem of Dandamis and Calanus.
While Philip went on his expedition against the Byzantines, he left Alexander,
then sixteen years old, his lieutenant in Macedonia, committing the charge of
his seal to him; who, not to sit idle, reduced the rebellious Maedi, and having
taken their chief town by storm, drove out the barbarous inhabitants, and
planting a colony of several nations in their room, called the place after his
own name, Alexandropolis. At the battle of Chaeronea, which his father fought
against the Grecians, he is said to have been the first man that charged the
Thebans' sacred band. And even in my remembrance, there stood an old oak near
the river Cephisus, which people called Alexander's oak, because his tent was
pitched under it. And not far off are to be seen the graves of the Macedonians
who fell in that battle. This early bravery made Philip so fond of him, that
nothing pleased him more than to hear his subjects call himself their general
and Alexander their king.
But the disorders of his family, chiefly caused by his new marriages and
attachments (the troubles that began in the women's chambers spreading, so to
say, to the whole kingdom), raised various complaints and differences between
them, which the violence of Olympias, a woman of a jealous and implacable
temper, made wider, by exasperating Alexander against his father. Among the
rest, this accident contributed most to their falling out. At the wedding of
Cleopatra, whom Philip fell in love with and married, she being much too young
for him, her uncle Attalus in his drink desired the Macedonians would implore
the gods to give them a lawful successor to the kingdom by his niece. This so
irritated Alexander, that throwing one of the cups at his head, "You villain,"
said he, "what, am I then a bastard?" Then Philip, taking Attalus's part, rose
up and would have run his son through; but by good fortune for them both, either
his over-hasty rage, or the wine he had drunk, made his foot slip, so that he
fell down on the floor. At which Alexander reproachfully insulted over him: "See
there," said he, "the man who makes preparations to pass out of Europe into
Asia, overturned in passing from one seat to another." After this debauch, he
and his mother Olympias withdrew from Philip's company, and when he had placed
her in Epirus, he himself retired into Illyria.
About this time, Demaratus the Corinthian, an old friend of the family, who had
the freedom to say anything among them without offence, coming to visit Philip,
after the first compliments and embraces were over, Philip asked him whether the
Grecians were at amity with one another. "It ill becomes you," replied Demaratus,
"to be so solicitous about Greece, when you have involved your own house in so
many dissensions and calamities." He was so convinced by this seasonable
reproach, that he immediately sent for his son home, and by Demaratus's
mediation prevailed with him to return. But this reconciliation lasted not long;
for when Pixodorus, viceroy of Caria, sent Aristocritus to treat for a match
between his eldest daughter and Philip's son, Arrhidaeus, hoping by this
alliance to secure his assistance upon occasion, Alexander's mother, and some
who pretended to be his friends, presently filled his head with tales and
calumnies, as if Philip, by a splendid marriage and important alliance, were
preparing the way for settling the kingdom upon Arrhidaeus. In alarm at this, he
despatched Thessalus, the tragic actor, into Caria, to dispose Pixodorus to
slight Arrhidaeus, both illegitimate and a fool, and rather to accept of himself
for his son-in-law. This proposition was much more agreeable to Pixodorus than
the former. But Philip, as soon as he was made acquainted with this transaction,
went to his son's apartment, taking with him Philotas, the son of Parmenio, one
of Alexander's intimate friends and companions, and there reproved him severely,
and reproached him bitterly, that he should be so degenerate, and unworthy of
the power he was to leave him, as to desire the alliance of a mean Carian, who
was at best but the slave of a barbarous prince. Nor did this satisfy his
resentment, for he wrote to the Corinthians to send Thessalus to him in chains,
and banished Harpalus, Nearchus, Erigyius, and Ptolemy, his son's friends and
favourites, whom Alexander afterwards recalled and raised to great honour and
preferment.
Not long after this, Pausanias, having had an outrage done to him at the
instance of Attalus and Cleopatra, when he found he could get no reparation for
his disgrace at Philip's hands, watched his opportunity and murdered him. The
guilt of which fact was laid for the most part upon Olympias, who was said to
have encouraged and exasperated the enraged youth to revenge; and some sort of
suspicion attached even to Alexander himself, who, it was said, when Pausanias
came and complained to him of the injury he had received, repeated the verse out
of Euripides's Medea-
"On husband, and on father, and on bride." However, he took care to find out and
punish the accomplices of the conspiracy severely, and was very angry with
Olympias for treating Cleopatra inhumanly in his absence.
Alexander was but twenty years old when his father was murdered, and succeeded
to a kingdom, beset on all sides with great dangers and rancorous enemies. For
not only the barbarous nations that bordered on Macedonia were impatient of
being governed by any but their own native princes, but Philip likewise, though
he had been victorious over the Grecians, yet, as the time had not been
sufficient for him to complete his conquest and accustom them to his sway, had
simply left all things in a general disorder and confusion. It seemed to the
Macedonians a very critical time; and some would have persuaded Alexander to
give up all thought of retaining the Grecians in subjection by force of arms,
and rather to apply himself to win back by gentle means the allegiance of the
tribes who were designing revolt, and try the effect of indulgence in arresting
the first motions towards revolution. But he rejected this counsel as weak and
timorous, and looked upon it to be more prudence to secure himself by resolution
and magnanimity, than, by seeming to truckle to any, to encourage all to trample
on him. In pursuit of this opinion, he reduced the barbarians to tranquillity,
and put an end to all fear of war from them, he gave rapid expedition into their
country as far as the river Danube, where he gave Syrmus, King of the
Triballians, an entire overthrow. And hearing the Thebans were in revolt, and
the Athenians in correspondence with them, he immediately marched through the
pass of Thermopylae, saying that to Demosthenes, who had called him a child
while he was in Illyria and in the country of the Triballians, and a youth when
he was in Thessaly, he would appear a man before the walls of Athens.
When he came to Thebes, to show how willing he was to accept of their repentance
for what was past, he only demanded of them Phoenix and Prothytes, the authors
of the rebellion, and proclaimed a general pardon to those who would come over
to him. But when the Thebans merely retorted by demanding Philotas and Antipater
to be delivered into their hands, and by a proclamation on their part invited
all who would assert the liberty of Greece to come over to them, he presently
applied himself to make them feel the last extremities of war. The Thebans
indeed defended themselves with a zeal and courage beyond their strength, being
much outnumbered by their enemies. But when the Macedonian garrison sallied out
upon them from the citadel, they were so hemmed in on all sides that the greater
part of them fell in the battle; the city itself being taken by storm, was
sacked and razed. Alexander's hope being that so severe an example might terrify
the rest of Greece into obedience, and also in order to gratify the hostility of
his confederates, the Phocians and Plataeans. So that, except the priests, and
some few who had heretofore been the friends and connections of the Macedonians,
the family of the poet Pindar, and those who were known to have opposed the
public vote for the war, all the rest, to the number of thirty thousand, were
publicly sold for slaves; and it is computed that upwards of six thousand were
put to the sword.
Among the other calamities that befell the city, it happened that some Thracian
soldiers, having broken into the house of a matron of high character and repute,
named Timoclea, their captain, after he had used violence with her, to satisfy
his avarice as well as lust, asked her, if she knew of any money concealed; to
which she readily answered she did, and bade him follow her into a garden, where
she showed him a well, into which, she told him, upon the taking of the city,
she had thrown what she had of most value. The greedy Thracian presently
stooping down to view the place where he thought the treasure lay, she came
behind him and pushed him into the well, and then flung great stones in upon
him, till she had killed him. After which, when the soldiers led her away bound
to Alexander, her very mien and gait showed her to be a woman of dignity, and of
a mind no less elevated, not betraying the least sign of fear or astonishment.
And when the king asked her who she was, "I am," said she, "the sister of
Theagenes, who fought the battle of Chaeronea with your father Philip, and fell
there in command for the liberty of Greece." Alexander was so surprised, both at
what she had done and what she said, that he could not choose but give her and
her children their freedom to go whither they pleased.
After this he received the Athenians into favour, although they had shown
themselves so much concerned at the calamity of Thebes that out of sorrow they
omitted the celebration of the Mysteries, and entertained those who escaped with
all possible humanity. Whether it were, like the lion, that his passion was now
satisfied, or that, after an example of extreme cruelty, he had a mind to appear
merciful, it happened well for the Athenians; for he not only forgave them all
past offences, but bade them look to their affairs with vigilance, remembering
that if he should miscarry, they were likely to be the arbiters of Greece.
Certain it is, too, that in aftertime he often repented of his severity to the
Thebans, and his remorse had such influence on his temper as to make him ever
after less rigorous to all others. He imputed also the murder of Clitus, which
he committed in his wine, and the unwillingness of the Macedonians to follow him
against the Indians, by which his enterprise and glory was left imperfect, to
the wrath and vengeance of Bacchus, the protector of Thebes. And it was observed
that whatsoever any Theban, who had the good fortune to survive this victory,
asked of him, he was sure to grant without the least difficulty.
Soon after, the Grecians, being assembled at the Isthmus, declared their
resolution of joining with Alexander in the war against the Persians, and
proclaimed him their general. While he stayed here, many public ministers and
philosophers came from all parts to visit him and congratulated him on his
election, but contrary to his expectation, Diogenes of Sinope, who then was
living at Corinth, thought so little of him, that instead of coming to
compliment him, he never so much as stirred out of the suburb called the
Cranium, where Alexander found him lying along in the sun. When he saw so much
company near him, he raised himself a little, and vouchsafed to look upon
Alexander; and when he kindly asked him whether he wanted anything, "Yes," said
he, "I would have you stand from between me and the sun." Alexander was so
struck at this answer, and surprised at the greatness of the man, who had taken
so little notice of him, that as he went away he told his followers, who were
laughing at the moroseness of the philosopher, that if he were not Alexander, he
would choose to be Diogenes.
Then he went to Delphi, to consult Apollo concerning the success of the war he
had undertaken, and happening to come on one of the forbidden days, when it was
esteemed improper to give any answer from the oracle, he sent messengers to
desire the priestess to do her office; and when she refused, on the plea of a
law to the contrary, he went up himself, and began to draw her by force into the
temple, until tired and overcome with his importunity, "My son," said she, "thou
art invincible." Alexander taking hold of what she spoke, declared he had
received such an answer as he wished for, and that it was needless to consult
the god any further. Among other prodigies that attended the departure of his
army, the image of Orpheus at Libethra, made of cypress-wood, was seen to sweat
in great abundance, to the discouragement of many. But Aristander told him that,
far from presaging any ill to him, it signified he should perform acts so
important and glorious as would make the poets and musicians of future ages
labour and sweat to describe and celebrate them.
His army, by their computation who make the smallest amount, consisted of thirty
thousand foot and four thousand horse; and those who make the most of it, speak
but of forty-three thousand foot and three thousand horse. Aristobulus says, he
had not a fund of above seventy talents for their pay, nor had he more than
thirty days' provision, if we may believe Duris; Onesicritus tells us he was two
hundred talents in debt. However narrow and disproportionable the beginnings of
so vast an undertaking might seem to be, yet he would not embark his army until
he had informed himself particularly what means his friends had to enable them
to follow him, and supplied what they wanted, by giving good farms to some, a
village to one, and the revenue of some hamlet or harbour-town to another. So
that at last he had portioned out or engaged almost all the royal property;
which giving Perdiccas an occasion to ask him what he would leave himself, he
replied, his hopes. "Your soldiers," replied Perdiccas, "will be your partners
in those," and refused to accept of the estate he had assigned him. Some others
of his friends did the like, but to those who willingly received or desired
assistance of him, he liberally granted it, as far as his patrimony in Macedonia
would reach, the most part of which was spent in these donations.
With such vigorous resolutions, and his mind thus disposed, he passed the
Hellespont, and at Troy sacrificed to Minerva, and honoured the memory of the
heroes who were buried there, with solemn libations; especially Achilles, whose
gravestone he anointed, and with his friends, as the ancient custom is, ran
naked about his sepulchre, and crowned it with garlands, declaring how happy he
esteemed him, in having while he lived so faithful a friend, and when he was
dead, so famous a poet to proclaim his actions. While he was viewing the rest of
the antiquities and curiosities of the place, being told he might see Paris's
harp, if he pleased, he said he thought it not worth looking on, but he should
be glad to see that of Achilles, to which he used to sing the glories and great
actions of brave men.
In the meantime, Darius's captains, having collected large forces, were encamped
on the further bank of the river Granicus, and it was necessary to fight, as it
were, in the gate of Asia for an entrance into it. The depth of the river, with
the unevenness and difficult ascent of the opposite bank, which was to be gained
by main force, was apprehended by most, and some pronounced it an improper time
to engage, because it was unusual for the kings of Macedonia to march with their
forces in the month called Daesius. But Alexander broke through these scruples,
telling them they should call it a second Artemisius. And when Parmenio advised
him not to attempt anything that day, because it was late, he told him that he
should disgrace the Hellespont should he fear the Granicus. And so, without more
saying, he immediately took the river with thirteen troops of horse, and
advanced against whole showers of darts thrown from the steep opposite side,
which was covered with armed multitudes of the enemy's horse and foot,
notwithstanding the disadvantage of the ground and the rapidity of the stream;
so that the action seemed to have more frenzy and desperation in it, than of
prudent conduct. However, he persisted obstinately to gain the passage, and at
last with much ado making his way up the banks, which were extremely muddy and
slippery, he had instantly to join in a mere confused hand-to-hand combat with
the enemy, before he could draw up his men, who were still passing over, into
any order. For the enemy pressed upon him with loud and warlike outcries; and
charging horse against horse, with their lances, after they had broken and spent
these, they fell to it with their swords. And Alexander, being easily known by
his buckler, and a large plume of white feathers on each side of his helmet, was
attacked on all sides, yet escaped wounding, though his cuirass was pierced by a
javelin in one of the joinings. And Rhoesaces and Spithridates, two Persian
commanders, falling upon him at once, he avoided one of them, and struck at
Rhoesaces, who had a good cuirass on, with such force that, his spear breaking
in his hand, he was glad to betake himself to his dagger. While they were thus
engaged, Spithridates came up on one side of him, and raising himself upon his
horse, gave him such a blow with his battle-axe on the helmet that he cut off
the crest of it, with one of his plumes, and the helmet was only just so far
strong enough to save him, that the edge of the weapon touched the hair of his
head. But as he was about to repeat his stroke, Clitus, called the black Clitus,
prevented him, by running him through the body with his spear. At the same time
Alexander despatched Rhoesaces with his sword. While the horse were thus
dangerously engaged, the Macedonian phalanx passed the river, and the foot on
each side advanced to fight. But the enemy hardly sustaining the first onset
soon gave ground and fled, all but the mercenary Greeks, who, making a stand
upon a rising ground, desired quarter, which Alexander, guided rather by passion
than judgment, refused to grant, and charging them himself first, had his horse
(not Bucephalus, but another) killed under him. And this obstinacy of his to cut
off these experienced desperate men cost him the lives of more of his own
soldiers than all the battle before, besides those who were wounded. The
Persians lost in this battle twenty thousand foot and two thousand five hundred
horse. On Alexander's side, Aristobulus says there were not wanting above
four-and-thirty, of whom nine were foot-soldiers; and in memory of them he
caused so many statues of brass, of Lysippus's making, to be erected. And that
the Grecians might participate in the honour of his victory he sent a portion of
the spoils home to them particularly to the Athenians three hundred bucklers,
and upon all the rest he ordered this inscription to be set: "Alexander the son
of Philip, and the Grecians, except the Lacedaemonians, won these from the
barbarians who inhabit Asia." All the plate and purple garments, and other
things of the same kind that he took from the Persians, except a very small
quantity which he reserved for himself, he sent as a present to his mother.
This battle presently made a great change of affairs to Alexander's advantage.
For Sardis itself, the chief seat of the barbarian's power in the maritime
provinces, and many other considerable places, were surrendered to him; only
Halicarnassus and Miletus stood out, which he took by force, together with the
territory about them. After which he was a little unsettled in his opinion how
to proceed. Sometimes he thought it best to find out Darius as soon as he could,
and put all to the hazard of a battle; another while he looked upon it as a more
prudent course to make an entire reduction of the sea-coast, and not to seek the
enemy till he had first exercised his power here and made himself secure of the
resources of these provinces. While he was thus deliberating what to do, it
happened that a spring of water near the city of Xanthus in Lycia, of its own
accord, swelled over its banks, and threw up a copper plate, upon the margin of
which was engraven in ancient characters, that the time would come when the
Persian empire should be destroyed by the Grecians. Encouraged by this accident,
he proceeded to reduce the maritime parts of Cilicia and Phoenicia, and passed
his army along the sea-coasts of Pamphylia with such expedition that many
historians have described and extolled it with that height of admiration, as if
it were no less than a miracle, and an extraordinary effect of divine favour,
that the waves which usually come rolling in violently from the main, and hardly
ever leave so much as a narrow beach under the steep, broken cliffs at any time
uncovered, should on a sudden retire to afford him passage. Menander, in one of
his comedies, alludes to this marvel when he says-
"Was Alexander ever favoured more?
Each man I wish for meets me at my door,
And should I ask for passage through the sea,
The sea I doubt not would retire for me."
But Alexander himself in his epistles mentions nothing unusual in this at all,
but says he went from Phaselis, and passed through what they call the Ladders.
At Phaselis he stayed some time, and finding the statue of Theodectes, who was a
native of this town and was now dead, erected in the market-place, after he had
supped, having drunk pretty plentifully, he went and danced about it, and
crowned it with garlands, honouring not ungracefully, in his sport, the memory
of a philosopher whose conversation he had formerly enjoyed when he was
Aristotle's scholar.
Then he subdued the Pisidians who made head against him, and conquered the
Phrygians, at whose chief city, Gordium, which is said to be the seat of the
ancient Midas, he saw the famous chariot fastened with cords made of the rind of
the cornel-tree, which whosoever should untie, the inhabitants had a tradition,
that for him was reserved the empire of the world. Most authors tell the story
that Alexander finding himself unable to untie the knot, the ends of which were
secretly twisted round and folded up within it, cut it asunder with his sword.
But Aristobulus tells us it was easy for him to undo it, by only pulling the pin
out of the pole, to which the yoke was tied, and afterwards drawing off the yoke
itself from below. From hence he advanced into Paphlagonia and Cappadocia, both
which countries he soon reduced to obedience, and then hearing of the death of
Memnon, the best commander Darius had upon the sea-coasts, who, if he had lived,
might, it was supposed, have put many impediments and difficulties in the way of
the progress of his arms, he was the rather encouraged to carry the war into the
upper provinces of Asia.
Darius was by this time upon his march from Susa, very confident, not only in
the number of his men, which amounted to six hundred thousand, but likewise in a
dream, which the Persian soothsayers interpreted rather in flattery to him than
according to the natural probability. He dreamed that he saw the Macedonian
phalanx all on fire, and Alexander waiting on him, clad in the same dress which
he himself had been used to wear when he was courier to the late king; after
which, going into the temple of Belus, he vanished out of his sight. The dream
would appear to have supernaturally signified to him the illustrious actions the
Macedonians were to perform, and that as he, from a courier's place, had risen
to the throne, so Alexander should come to be master of Asia, and not long
surviving his conquests, conclude his life with glory. Darius's confidence
increased the more, because Alexander spent so much time in Cilicia, which he
imputed to his cowardice. But it was sickness that detained him there, which
some say he contracted from his fatigues, others from bathing in the river
Cydnus, whose waters were exceedingly cold. However it happened, none of his
physicians would venture to give him any remedies, they thought his case so
desperate, and were so afraid of the suspicions and ill-will of the Macedonians
if they should fail in the cure; till Philip, the Acarnanian, seeing how
critical his case was, but relying on his own well-known friendship for him,
resolved to try the last efforts of his art, and rather hazard his own credit
and life than suffer him to perish for want of physic, which he confidently
administered to him, encouraging him to take it boldly, if he desired a speedy
recovery, in order to prosecute the war. At this very time, Parmenio wrote to
Alexander from the camp, bidding him have a care of Philip, as one who was
bribed by Darius to kill him, with great sums of money, and a promise of his
daughter in marriage. When he had perused the letter, he put it under his
pillow, without showing it so much as to any of his most intimate friends, and
when Philip came in with the potion, he took it with great cheerfulness and
assurance, giving him meantime the letter to read. This was a spectacle well
worth being present at, to see Alexander take the draught and Philip read the
letter at the same time, and then turn and look upon one another, but with
different sentiments; for Alexander's looks were cheerful and open, to show his
kindness to and confidence in his physician, while the other was full of
surprise and alarm at the accusation, appealing to the gods to witness his
innocence, sometimes lifting up his hands to heaven, and then throwing himself
down by the bedside, and beseeching Alexander to lay aside all fear, and follow
his directions without apprehension. For the medicine at first worked so
strongly as to drive, so to say, the vital forces into the interior; he lost his
speech, and falling into a swoon, had scarce any sense or pulse left. However in
no long time, by Philip's means, his health and strength returned, and he showed
himself in public to the Macedonians, who were in continual fear and dejection
until they saw him abroad again.
There was at this time in Darius's army a Macedonian refugee, named Amyntas, one
who was pretty well acquainted with Alexander's character. This man, when he saw
Darius intended to fall upon the enemy in the passes and defiles, advised him
earnestly to keep where he was, in the open and extensive plains, it being the
advantage of a numerous army to have field-room enough when it engaged with a
lesser force. Darius, instead of taking his counsel, told him he was afraid the
enemy would endeavour to run away, and so Alexander would escape out of his
hands. "That fear," replied Amyntas, "is needless, for assure yourself that far
from avoiding you, he will make all the speed he can to meet you, and is now
most likely on his march toward you." But Amyntas's counsel was to no purpose,
for Darius immediately decamping, marched into Cilicia at the same time that
Alexander advanced into Syria to meet him; and missing one another in the night,
they both turned back again. Alexander, greatly pleased with the event, made all
the haste he could to fight in the defiles, and Darius to recover his former
ground, and draw his army out of so disadvantageous a place. For now he began to
perceive his error in engaging himself too far in a country in which the sea,
the mountains, and the river Pinarus running through the midst of it, would
necessitate him to divide his forces, render his horse almost unserviceable, and
only cover and support the weakness of the enemy. Fortune was not kinder to
Alexander in the choice of the ground, than he was careful to improve it to his
advantage. For being much inferior in numbers, so far from allowing himself to
be outflanked, he stretched his right wing much further out than the left wing
of his enemies, and fighting there himself in the very foremost ranks, put the
barbarians to flight. In this battle he was wounded in the thigh, Chares says,
by Darius, with whom he fought hand-to-hand. But in the account which he gave
Antipater of the battle, though indeed he owns he was wounded in the thigh with
a sword, though not dangerously, yet he takes no notice who it was that wounded
him.
Nothing was wanting to complete this victory, in which he overthrew above an
hundred and ten thousand of his enemies, but the taking the person of Darius,
who escaped very narrowly by flight. However, having taken his chariot and his
bow, he returned from pursuing him, and found his own men busy in pillaging the
barbarians' camp, which (though to disburden themselves they had left most of
their baggage at Damascus) was exceedingly rich. But Darius's tent, which was
full of splendid furniture and quantities of gold and silver, they reserved for
Alexander himself, who, after he had put off his arms, went to bathe himself
saying, "Let us now cleanse ourselves from the toils of war in the bath of
Darius." "Not so," replied one of his followers, "but in Alexander's rather; for
the property of the conquered is and should be called the conqueror's." Here,
when he beheld the bathing vessels, the water-pots, the pans, and the ointment
boxes, all of gold curiously wrought, and smelt the fragrant odours with which
the whole place was exquisitely perfumed, and from thence passed into a pavilion
of great size and height, where the couches and tables and preparations for an
entertainment were perfectly magnificent, he turned to those about him and said,
"This, it seems, is royalty."
But as he was going to supper, word was brought him that Darius's mother and
wife and two unmarried daughters, being taken among the rest of the prisoners,
upon the sight of his chariot and bow, were all in mourning and sorrow,
imagining him to be dead. After a little pause, more lively affected with their
affliction than with his own success, he sent Leonnatus to them, to let them
know Darius was not dead, and that they need not fear any harm from Alexander,
who made war upon him only for dominion; they should themselves be provided with
everything they had been used to receive from Darius. This kind message could
not but be very welcome to the captive ladies, especially being made good by
actions no less humane and generous. For he gave them leave to bury whom they
pleased of the Persians, and to make use for this purpose of what garments and
furniture they thought fit out of the booty. He diminished nothing of their
equipage, or of the attentions and respect formerly paid them, and allowed
larger pensions for their maintenance than they had before. But the noblest and
most royal part of their usage was, that he treated these illustrious prisoners
according to their virtue and character, not suffering them to hear, or receive,
or so much as to apprehend anything that was unbecoming. So that they seemed
rather lodged in some temple, or some holy virgin chambers, where they enjoyed
their privacy sacred and uninterrupted, than in the camp of an enemy.
Nevertheless Darius's wife was accounted the most beautiful princess then
living, as her husband the tallest and handsomest man of his time, and the
daughters were not unworthy of their parents. But Alexander, esteeming it more
kingly to govern himself than to conquer his enemies, sought no intimacy with
any one of them, nor indeed with any other women before marriage, except Barsine,
Memnon's widow, who was taken prisoner at Damascus. She had been instructed in
the Grecian learning, was of a gentle temper, and by her father, Artabazus,
royally descended, with good qualities, added to the solicitations and
encouragement of Parmenio, as Aristobulus tells us, made him the more willing to
attach himself to so agreeable and illustrious a woman. Of the rest of the
female captives, though remarkably handsome and well proportioned, he took no
further notice than to say jestingly that Persian women were terrible eyesores.
And he himself, retaliating, as it were, by the display of the beauty of his own
temperance and self-control, bade them be removed, as he would have done so many
lifeless images. When Philoxenus, his lieutenant on the sea-coast, wrote to him
to know if he would buy two young boys of great beauty, whom one Theodorus, a
Tarentine, had to sell, he was so offended that he often expostulated with his
friends what baseness Philoxenus had ever observed in him that he should presume
to make him such a reproachful offer. And he immediately wrote him a very sharp
letter, telling him Theodorus and his merchandise might go with his good-will to
destruction. Nor was he less severe to Hagnon, who sent him word he would buy a
Corinthian youth named Crobylus, as a present for him. And hearing that Damon
and Timotheus, two of Parmenio's Macedonian soldiers, had abused the wives of
some strangers who were in his pay, he wrote to Parmenio, charging him strictly,
if he found them guilty, to put them to death, as wild beasts that were only
made for the mischief of mankind. In the same letter he added, that he had not
so much as seen or desired to see the wife of Darius, nor suffered anybody to
speak of her beauty before him. He was wont to say that sleep and the act of
generation chiefly made him sensible that he was mortal; as much as to say, that
weariness and pleasure proceed both from the same frailty and imbecility of
human nature.
In his diet, also, he was most temperate, as appears, omitting many other
circumstances, by what he said to Ada, whom he adopted, with the title of
mother, and afterwards created Queen of Caria. For when she, out of kindness,
sent him every day many curious dishes and sweetmeats, and would have furnished
him with some cooks and pastry-men, who were thought to have great skill, he
told her he wanted none of them, his preceptor, Leonidas, having already given
him the best, which were a night march to prepare for breakfast, and a moderate
breakfast to create an appetite for supper. Leonidas also, he added, used to
open and search the furniture of his chamber and his wardrobe, to see if his
mother had left him anything that was delicate or superfluous. He was much less
addicted to wine than was generally believed; that which gave people occasion to
think so of him was, that when he had nothing else to do, he loved to sit long
and talk, rather than drink, and over every cup hold a long conversation. For
when his affairs called upon him, he would not be detained, as other generals
often were, either by wine, or sleep, nuptial solemnities, spectacles, or any
other diversion whatsoever; a convincing argument of which is, that in the short
time he lived, he accomplished so many and so great actions. When he was free
from employment, after he was up, and had sacrificed to the gods he used to sit
down to breakfast, and then spend the rest of the day in hunting, or writing
memoirs, giving decisions on some military questions, or reading. In marches
that required no great haste, he would practise shooting as he went along, or to
mount a chariot and alight from it in full speed. Sometimes, for sport's sake,
as his journals tell us, he would hunt foxes and go fowling. When he came in for
the evening, after he had bathed and was anointed, he would call for his bakers
and chief cooks, to know if they had his dinner ready. He never cared to dine
till it was pretty late and beginning to be dark, and was wonderfully
circumspect at meals that every one who sat with him should be served alike and
with proper attention: and his love of talking, as was said before, made him
delight to sit long at his wine. And then, though otherwise no prince's
conversation was ever so agreeable, he would fall into a temper of ostentation
and soldierly boasting, which gave his flatterers a great advantage to ride him,
and made his better friends very uneasy. For though they thought it too base to
strive who should flatter him most, yet they found it hazardous not to do it; so
that between the shame and the danger, they were in a great strait how to behave
themselves. After such an entertainment, he was wont to bathe, and then perhaps
he would sleep till noon, and sometimes all day long. He was so very temperate
in his eating, that when any rare fish or fruits were sent him, he would
distribute them among his friends, and often reserve nothing for himself. His
table, however, was always magnificent, the expense of it still increasing with
his good fortune, till it amounted to ten thousand drachmas a day, to which sum
he limited it, and beyond this he would suffer none to lay out in any
entertainment where he himself was the guest.
After the battle of Issus, he sent to Damascus to seize upon the money and
baggage, the wives and children, of the Persians, of which spoil the Thessalian
horsemen had the greatest share; for he had taken particular notice of their
gallantry in the fight, and sent them thither on purpose to make their reward
suitable to their courage. Not but that the rest of the army had so considerable
a part of the booty as was sufficient to enrich them all. This first gave the
Macedonians such a taste of the Persian wealth and women and barbaric splendour
of living, that they were ready to pursue and follow upon it with all the
eagerness of hounds upon a scent. But Alexander, before he proceeded any
further, thought it necessary to assure himself of the sea-coast. Those who
governed in Cyprus put that island into his possession, and Phoenicia, Tyre only
excepted, was surrendered to him. During the siege of this city, which, with
mounds of earth cast up, and battering engines, and two hundred galleys by sea,
was carried on for seven months together, he dreamt that he saw Hercules upon
the walls, reaching out his hands, and calling to him. And many of the Tyrians
in their sleep fancied that Apollo told them he was displeased with their
actions, and was about to leave them and go over to Alexander. Upon which, as if
the god had been a deserting soldier, they seized him, so to say, in the act,
tied down the statue with ropes, and nailed it to the pedestal, reproaching him
that he was a favourer of Alexander. Another time Alexander dreamed he saw a
satyr mocking him at a distance, and when he endeavoured to catch him, he still
escaped from him, till at last with much perseverance, and running about after
him, he got him into his power. The soothsayers, making two words of Satyrus,
assured him that Tyre should be his own. The inhabitants at this time show a
spring of water, near which they say Alexander slept when he fancied the satyr
appeared to him.
While the body of the army lay before Tyre, he made an excursion against the
Arabians who inhabit the Mount Antilibanus, in which he hazarded his life
extremely to bring off his master Lysimachus, who would needs go along with him,
declaring he was neither older nor inferior in courage to Phoenix, Achilles's
guardian. For when, quitting their horses, they began to march up the hills on
foot, the rest of the soldiers outwent them a great deal, so that night drawing
on, and the enemy near, Alexander was fain to stay behind so long, to encourage
and help up the lagging and tired old man, that before he was aware he was left
behind, a great way from his soldiers, with a slender attendance, and forced to
pass an extremely cold night in the dark, and in a very inconvenient place; till
seeing a great many scattered fires of the enemy at some distance, and trusting
to his agility of body, and as he was always wont by undergoing toils and
labours himself to cheer and support the Macedonians in any distress, he ran
straight to one of the nearest fires, and with his dagger despatching two of the
barbarians that sat by it, snatched up a lighted brand, and returned with it to
his own men. They immediately made a great fire, which so alarmed the enemy that
most of them fled, and those that assaulted them were soon routed and thus they
rested securely the remainder of the night. Thus Chares writes.
But to return to the siege, it had this issue. Alexander, that he might refresh
his army, harassed with many former encounters, had led only a small party
towards the walls, rather to keep the enemy busy than with any prospect of much
advantage. It happened at this time that Aristander, the soothsayer, after he
had sacrificed, upon view of the entrails, affirmed confidently to those who
stood by that the city should be certainly taken that very month, upon which
there was a laugh and some mockery among the soldiers, as this was the last day
of it. The king, seeing him in perplexity, and always anxious to support the
credit of the predictions, gave order that they should not count it as the
thirtieth, but as the twenty-third of the month, and ordering the trumpets to
sound, attacked the walls more seriously than he at first intended. The
sharpness of the assault so inflamed the rest of his forces who were left in the
camp, that they could not hold from advancing to second it, which they performed
with so much vigour that the Tyrians retired, and the town was carried that very
day. The next place he sat down before was Gaza, one of the largest cities of
Syria, when this accident befell him. A large bird flying over him let a clod of
earth fall upon his shoulder, and then settling upon one of the battering
engines, was suddenly entangled and caught in the nets, composed of sinews,
which protected the ropes with which the machine was managed. This fell out
exactly according to Aristander's prediction, which was, that Alexander should
be wounded and the city reduced.
From hence he sent great part of the spoils to Olympias, Cleopatra, and the rest
of his friends, not omitting his preceptor Leonidas, on whom he bestowed five
hundred talents' weight of frankincense and an hundred of myrrh, in remembrance
of the hopes he had once expressed of him when he was but a child. For Leonidas,
it seems, standing by him one day while he was sacrificing, and seeing him take
both his hands full of incense to throw into the fire, told him it became him to
be more sparing in his offerings, and not to be so profuse till he was master of
the countries which those sweet gums and saying, come from. So Alexander now
wrote to him, saying, "We have sent you abundance of myrrh and frankincense,
that for the future you may not be stingy to the gods." Among the treasures and
other booty that was taken from Darius, there was a very precious casket, which
being brought to Alexander for a great rarity, he asked those about him what
they thought fittest to be laid up in it; and when they had delivered their
various opinions, he told them he should keep Homer's Iliad in it. This is
attested by many credible authors, and if what those of Alexandria tell us,
relying upon the authority of Heraclides, be true, Homer was neither an idle nor
an unprofitable companion to him in his expedition. For when he was master of
Egypt, designing to settle a colony of Grecians there, he resolved to build a
large and populous city, and give it his own name. In order to which, after he
had measured and staked out the ground with the advice of the best architects,
he chanced one night in his sleep to see a wonderful vision; a grey-headed old
man, of a venerable aspect, appeared to stand by him, and pronounce these
verses:-
"An island lies, where loud the billows roar,
Pharos they call it, on the Egyptian shore."
Alexander upon this immediately rose up and went to Pharos, which, at that time,
was an island lying a little above the Canobic mouth of the river Nile, though
it has now been joined to the mainland by a mole. As soon as he saw the
commodious situation of the place, it being a long neck of land, stretching like
an isthmus between large lagoons and shallow waters on one side and the sea on
the other, the latter at the end of it making a spacious harbour, he said,
Homer, besides his other excellences, was a very good architect, and ordered the
plan of a city to be drawn out answerable to the place. To do which, for want of
chalk, the soil being black, they laid out their lines with flour, taking in a
pretty large compass of ground in a semi-circular figure, and drawing into the
inside of the circumference equal straight lines from each end, thus giving it
something of the form of a cloak or cape; while he was pleasing himself with his
design, on a sudden an infinite number of great birds of several kinds, rising
like a black cloud out of the river and the lake, devoured every morsel of the
flour that had been used in setting out the lines; at which omen even Alexander
himself was troubled, till the augurs restored his confidence again by telling
him it was a sign the city he was about to build would not only abound in all
things within itself, but also be the nurse and feeder of many nations. He
commanded the workmen to proceed, while he went to visit the temple of Ammon.
This was a long and painful, and, in two respects, a dangerous journey; first,
if they should lose their provision of water, as for several days none could be
obtained; and, secondly, if a violent south wind should rise upon them, while
they were travelling through the wide extent of deep sands, as it is said to
have done when Cambyses led his army that way, blowing the sand together in
heaps, and raising, as it were, the whole desert like a sea upon them, till
fifty thousand were swallowed up and destroyed by it. All these difficulties
were weighed and represented to him; but Alexander was not easily to be diverted
from anything he was bent upon. For fortune having hitherto seconded him in his
designs, made him resolute and firm in his opinions, and the boldness of his
temper raised a sort of passion in him for surmounting difficulties; as if it
were not enough to be always victorious in the field, unless places and seasons
and nature herself submitted to him. In this journey, the relief and assistance
the gods afforded him in his distresses were more remarkable, and obtained
greater belief than the oracles he received afterwards, which, however, were
valued and credited the more on account of those occurrences. For first,
plentiful rains that fell preserved them from any fear of perishing by drought,
and, allaying the extreme dryness of the sand, which now became moist and firm
to travel on, cleared and purified the air. Besides this, when they were out of
their way, and were wandering up and down, because the marks which were wont to
direct the guides were disordered and lost, they were set right again by some
ravens, which flew before them when on their march, and waited for them when
they lingered and fell behind; and the greatest miracle, as Callisthenes tells
us, was that if any of the company went astray in the night, they never ceased
croaking and making a noise till by that means they had brought them into the
right way again. Having passed through the wilderness, they came to the place
where the high priest, at the first salutation, bade Alexander welcome from his
father Ammon. And being asked by him whether any of his father's murderers had
escaped punishment, he charged him to speak with more respect, since his was not
a mortal father. Then Alexander, changing his expression, desired to know of him
if any of those who murdered Philip were yet unpunished, and further concerning
dominion, whether the empire of the world was reserved for him? This, the god
answered, he should obtain, and that Philip's death was fully revenged, which
gave him so much satisfaction that he made splendid offerings to Jupiter, and
gave the priests very rich presents. This is what most authors write concerning
the oracles. But Alexander, in a letter to his mother, tells her there were some
secret answers, which at his return he would communicate to her only. Others say
that the priest, desirous as a piece of courtesy to address him in Greek, "O
Paidion," by a slip in pronunciation ended with the s instead of the n, and said
"O Paidios," which mistake Alexander was well enough pleased with, and it went
for current that the oracle had called him so.
Among the sayings of one Psammon, a philosopher, whom he heard in Egypt, he most
approved of this, that all men are governed by God, because in everything, that
which is chief and commands is divine. But what he pronounced himself upon this
subject was even more like a philosopher, for he said God was the common father
of us all, but more particularly of the best of us. To the barbarians he carried
himself very haughtily, as if he were fully persuaded of his divine birth and
parentage; but to the Grecians more moderately, and with less affectation of
divinity, except it were once in writing to the Athenians about Samos, when he
tells them that he should not himself have bestowed upon them that free and
glorious city; "You received it," he says, "from the bounty of him who at that
time was called my lord and father," meaning Philip. However, afterwards being
wounded with an arrow, and feeling much pain, he turned to those about him, and
told them, "This, my friends, is real flowing blood, not Ichor-
"Such as immortal gods are wont to shed." And another time, when it thundered so
much that everybody was afraid, and Anaxarchus, the sophist, asked him if he who
was Jupiter's son could do anything like this, "Nay," said Alexander, laughing,
"I have no desire to be formidable to my friends, as you would have me, who
despised my table for being furnished with fish, and not with the heads of
governors of provinces." For in fact it is related as true, that Anaxarchus,
seeing a present of small fishes, which the king sent to Hephaestion, had used
this expression, in a sort of irony, and disparagement of those who undergo vast
labours and encounter great hazards in pursuit of magnificent objects which
after all bring them little more pleasure or enjoyment than what others have.
From what I have said upon this subject, it is apparent that Alexander in
himself was not foolishly affected, or had the vanity to think himself really a
god, but merely used his claims to divinity as a means of maintaining among
other people the sense of his superiority.
At his return out of Egypt into Phoenicia, he sacrificed and made solemn
processions, to which were added shows of lyric dances and tragedies, remarkable
not merely for the splendour of the equipage and decorations, but for the
competition among those who exhibited them. For the kings of Cyprus were here
the exhibitors, just in the same manner as at Athens those who are chosen by lot
out of the tribes. And, indeed, they showed the greatest emulation to outvie
each other; especially Nicocreon, King of Salamis, and Pasicrates of Soli, who
furnished the chorus, and defrayed the expenses of the two most celebrated
actors, Athenodorus and Thessalus, the former performing for Pasicrates, and the
latter for Nicocrean. Thessalus was most favoured by Alexander, though it did
not appear till Athenodorus was declared victor by the plurality of votes. For
then at his going away, he said the judges deserved to be commended for what
they had done, but that he would willingly have lost part of his kingdom rather
than to have seen Thessalus overcome. However, when he understood Athenodorus
was fined by the Athenians for being absent at the festivals of Bacchus, though
he refused his request that he would write a letter in his behalf, he gave him a
sufficient sum to satisfy the penalty. Another time, when Lycon of Scarphia
happened to act with great applause in the theatre, and in a verse which he
introduced into the comic part which he was acting, begged for a present of ten
talents, he laughed and gave him the money.
Darius wrote him a letter, and sent friends to intercede with him, requesting
him to accept as a ransom of his captives the sum of a thousand talents, and
offering him in exchange for his amity and alliance all the countries on this
side the river Euphrates, together with one of his daughters in marriage. These
propositions he communicated to his friends, and when Parmenio told him that,
for his part, if he were Alexander, he should readily embrace them, "So would
I," said Alexander, "if I were Parmenio." Accordingly, his answer to Darius was,
that if he would come and yield himself up into his power he would treat him
with all possible kindness; if not, he was resolved immediately to go himself
and seek him. But the death of Darius's wife in childbirth made him soon after
regret one part of this answer, and he showed evident marks of grief at thus
deprived of a further opportunity of exercising his clemency and good nature,
which he manifested, however, as far as he could, by giving her a most sumptuous
funeral.
Among the eunuchs who waited in the queen's chamber, and were taken prisoners
with the women, there was one Tireus, who, getting out of the camp, fled away on
horseback to Darius, to inform him of his wife's death. He, when he heard it,
beating his head, and bursting into tears and lamentations, said, "Alas! how
great is the calamity of the Persians! Was it not enough that their king's
consort and sister was a prisoner in her lifetime, but she must, now she is
dead, also be but meanly and obscurely buried?" "O king," replied the eunuch,
"as to her funeral rites, or any respect or honour that should have been shown
in them, you have not the least reason to accuse the ill fortune of your
country; for to my knowledge neither your queen Statira when alive, nor your
mother, nor children, wanted anything of their former happy condition, unless it
were the light of your countenance, which I doubt not but the lord Oromasdes
will yet restore to its former glory. And after her decease, I assure you, she
had not only all due funeral ornaments, but was honoured also with the tears of
your very enemies; for Alexander is as gentle after victory as he is terrible in
the field." At the bearing of these words, such was the grief and emotion of
Darius's mind, that they carried him into extravagant suspicions; and taking
Tireus aside into a more private part of his tent, "Unless thou likewise," said
he to him, "hast deserted me, together with the good fortune of Persia, and art
become a Macedonian in thy heart; if thou yet ownest me for thy master Darius,
tell me, I charge thee, by the veneration thou payest the light of Mithras, and
this right hand of thy king, do I not lament the least of Statira's misfortunes
in her captivity and death? Have I not suffered something more injurious and
deplorable in her lifetime? And had I not been miserable with less dishonour if
I had met with a more severe and inhuman enemy? For how is it possible a young
man as he is should treat the wife of his opponent with so much distinction,
were it not from some motive that does me disgrace?" Whilst he was yet speaking,
Tireus threw himself at his feet, and besought him neither to wrong Alexander so
much, nor his dead wife and sister, as to give utterance to any such thoughts,
which deprived him of the greatest consolation left him in his adversity, the
belief that he was overcome by a man whose virtues raised him above human
nature; that he ought to look upon Alexander with love and admiration, who had
given no less proofs of his continence towards the Persian women, than of his
valour among the men. The eunuch confirmed all he said with solemn and dreadful
oaths, and was further enlarging upon Alexander's moderation and magnanimity on
other occasions, when Darius, breaking away from him into the other division of
the tent, where his friends and courtiers were, lifted up his hands to heaven
and uttered this prayer, "Ye gods," said he, "of my family, and of my kingdom,
if it be possible, I beseech you to restore the declining affairs of Persia,
that I may leave them in as flourishing a condition as I found them, and have it
in my power to make a grateful return to Alexander for the kindness which in my
adversity he has shown to those who are dearest to me. But if, indeed, the fatal
time be come, which is to give a period to the Persian monarchy, if our ruin be
a debt that must be paid to the divine jealousy and the vicissitude of things,
then I beseech you grant that no other man but Alexander may sit upon the throne
of Cyrus." Such is the narrative given by the greater number of the historians.
But to return to Alexander. After he had reduced all Asia on this side the
Euphrates, he advanced towards Darius, who was coming down against him with a
million of men. In his march a very ridiculous passage happened. The servants
who followed the camp for sport's sake divided themselves into two parties, and
named the commander of one of them Alexander, and the other Darius. At first
they only pelted one another with clods of earth, but presently took to their
fists, and at last, heated with contention, they fought in good earnest with
stones and clubs, so that they had much ado to part them; till Alexander, upon
hearing of it, ordered the two captains to decide the quarrel by single combat,
and armed him who bore his name himself, while Philotas did the same to him who
represented Darius. The whole army were spectators of this encounter, willing
from the event of it to derive an omen of their own future success. After they
had fought stoutly a pretty long while, at last he who was called Alexander had
the better, and for a reward of his prowess had twelve villages given him, with
leave to wear the Persian dress. So we are told by Eratosthenes.
But the great battle of all that was fought with Darius was not, as most writers
tell us, at Arbela, but at Gaugamela, which, in their language, signifies the
camel's house, forasmuch as one of their ancient kings having escaped the
pursuit of his enemies on a swift camel, in gratitude to his beast, settled him
at this place, with an allowance of certain villages and rents for his
maintenance. It came to pass that in the month Boedromion, about the beginning
of the feast of Mysteries at Athens, there was an eclipse of the moon, the
eleventh night after which, the two armies being now in view of one another,
Darius kept his men in arms, and by torchlight took a general review of them.
But Alexander, while his soldiers slept, spent the night before his tent with
his diviner, Aristander, performing certain mysterious ceremonies, and
sacrificing to the god Fear. In the meanwhile the oldest of his commanders, and
chiefly Parmenio, when they beheld all the plain between Niphates and the
Gordyaean mountains shining with the lights and fires which were made by the
barbarians, and heard the uncertain and confused sounds of voices out of their
camp, like the distant roaring of a vast ocean, were so amazed at the thoughts
of such a multitude, that after some conference among themselves, they concluded
it an enterprise too difficult and hazardous for them to engage so numerous an
enemy in the day, and therefore meeting the king as he came from sacrificing,
besought him to attack Darius by night, that the darkness might conceal the
danger of the ensuing battle. To this he gave them the celebrated answer, "I
will not steal a victory," which though some at the time thought a boyish and
inconsiderate speech, as if he played with danger, others, however, regarded as
an evidence that he confided in his present condition, and acted on a true
judgment of the future, not wishing to leave Darius, in case he were worsted,
the pretext of trying his fortune again, which he might suppose himself to have,
if he could impute his overthrow to the disadvantage of the night, as he did
before to the mountains, the narrow passages, and the sea. For while he had such
numerous forces and large dominions still remaining, it was not any want of men
or arms that could induce him to give up the war, but only the loss of all
courage and hope upon the conviction of an undeniable and manifest defeat.
After they were gone from him with this answer, he laid himself down in his tent
and slept the rest of the night more soundly than was usual with him, to the
astonishment of the commanders, who came to him early in the morning, and were
fain themselves to give order that the soldiers should breakfast. But at last,
time not giving them leave to wait any longer, Parmenio went to his bedside, and
called him twice or thrice by his name, till he waked him, and then asked him
how it was possible, when he was to fight the most important battle of all, he
could sleep as soundly as if he were already victorious. "And are we not so,
indeed," replied Alexander, smiling, "since we are at last relieved from the
trouble of wandering in pursuit of Darius through a wide and wasted country,
hoping in vain that he would fight us?" And not only before the battle, but in
the height of the danger, he showed himself great, and manifested the
self-possession of a just foresight and confidence. For the battle for some time
fluctuated and was dubious. The left wing, where Parmenio commanded, was so
impetuously charged by the Bactrian horse that it was disordered and forced to
give ground, at the same time that Mazaeus had sent a detachment round about to
fall upon those who guarded the baggage, which so disturbed Parmenio that he
sent messengers to acquaint Alexander that the camp and baggage would be all
lost unless he immediately relieved the rear by a considerable reinforcement
drawn out of the front. This message being brought him just as he was giving the
signal to those about him for the onset, he bade them tell Parmenio that he must
have surely lost the use of his reason, and had forgotten, in his alarm, that
soldiers, if victorious, became masters of their enemies' baggage; and if
defeated, instead of taking care of their wealth or their slaves, have nothing
more to do but to fight gallantly and die with honour. When he had said this, he
put on his helmet, having the rest of his arms on before he came out of his
tent, which were a coat of the Sicilian make, girt close about him, and over
that a breast-piece of thickly quilted linen, which was taken among other booty
at the battle of Issus. The helmet, which was made by Theophilus, though of
iron, was so well wrought and polished that it was as bright as the most refined
silver. To this was fitted a gorget of the same metal, set with precious stones.
His sword, which was the weapon he most used in fight, was given him by the King
of the Citieans, and was of an admirable temper and lightness. The belt which he
also wore in all engagements was of much richer workmanship than the rest of his
armour. It was a work of the ancient Helicon, and had been presented to him by
the Rhodians, as a mark of their respect to him. So long as he was engaged in
drawing up his men, or riding about to give orders or directions, or to view
them, he spared Bucephalus, who was now growing old, and made use of another
horse; but when he was actually to fight, he sent for him again, and as soon as
he was mounted, commenced the attack.
He made the longest address that day to the Thessalians and other Greeks, who
answered him with loud shouts, desiring him to lead them on against the
barbarians, upon which he shifted his javelin into his left hand, and with his
right lifted up towards heaven, besought the gods, as Callisthenes tells us,
that if he was of a truth the son of Jupiter, they would be pleased to assist
and strengthen the Grecians. At the same time the augur Aristander, who had a
white mantle about him, and a crown of gold on his head, rode by and showed them
an eagle that soared just over Alexander, and directed his flight towards the
enemy; which so animated the beholders, that after mutual encouragements and
exhortations, the horse charged at full speed, and were followed in a mass by
the whole phalanx of the foot. But before they could well come to blows with the
first ranks, the barbarians shrunk back, and were hotly pursued by Alexander,
who drove those that fled before him into the middle of the battle, where Darius
himself was in person, whom he saw from a distance over the foremost ranks,
conspicuous in the midst of his life-guard, a tall and fine-looking man, drawn
in a lofty chariot, defended by an abundance of the best horse, who stood close
in order about it ready to receive the enemy. But Alexander's approach was so
terrible, forcing those who gave back upon those who yet maintained their
ground, that he beat down and dispersed them almost all. Only a few of the
bravest and valiantest opposed the pursuit, who were slain in their king's
presence, falling in heaps upon one another, and in the very pangs of death
striving to catch hold of the horses. Darius now seeing all was lost, that those
who were placed in front to defend him were broken and beat back upon him, that
he could not turn or disengage his chariot without great difficulty, the wheels
being clogged and entangled among the dead bodies, which lay in such heaps as
not only stopped, but almost covered the horses, and made them rear and grow so
unruly that the frightened charioteer could govern them no longer, in this
extremity was glad to quit his chariot and his arms, and mounting, it is said,
upon a mare that had been taken from her foal, betook himself to flight. But he
had not escaped so either, if Parmenio had not sent fresh messengers to
Alexander, to desire him to return and assist him against a considerable body of
the enemy which yet stood together, and would not give ground. For, indeed,
Parmenio is on all hands accused of having been sluggish and unserviceable in
this battle, whether age had impaired his courage, or that, as Callisthenes
says, he secretly disliked and envied Alexander's growing greatness. Alexander,
though he was not a little vexed to be so recalled and hindered from pursuing
his victory, yet concealed the true reason from his men, and causing a retreat
to be sounded, as if it were too late to continue the execution any longer,
marched back towards the place of danger, and by the way met the news of the
enemy's total overthrow and flight.
This battle being thus over, seemed to put a period to the Persian empire; and
Alexander, who was now proclaimed King of Asia, returned thanks to the gods in
magnificent sacrifices, and rewarded his friends and followers with great sums
of money, and places, and governments of provinces. Eager to gain honour with
the Grecians, he wrote to them that he would have all tyrannies abolished, that
they might live free according to their own laws, and specially to the Plataeans,
that their city should be rebuilt, because their ancestors had permitted their
countrymen of old to make their territory the seat of the war when they fought
with the barbarians for their common liberty. He sent also part of the spoils
into Italy, to the Crotoniats, to honour the zeal and courage of their citizen
Phayllus, the wrestler, who, in the Median war, when the other Grecian colonies
in Italy disowned Greece, that he might have a share in the danger, joined the
fleet at Salamis, with a vessel set forth at his own charge. So affectionate was
Alexander to all kind of virtue, and so desirous to preserve the memory of
laudable actions.
From hence he marched through the province of Babylon, which immediately
submitted to him, and in Ecbatana was much surprised at the sight of the place
where fire issues in a continuous stream, like a spring of water, out of a cleft
in the earth, and the stream of naphtha, which, not far from this spot, flows
out so abundantly as to form a sort of lake. This naphtha, in other respects
resembling bitumen, is so subject to take fire, that before it touches the flame
it will kindle at the very light that surrounds it, and often inflame the
intermediate air also. The barbarians, to show the power and nature of it,
sprinkled the street that led to the king's lodgings with little drops of it,
and when it was almost night, stood at the further end with torches, which being
applied to the moistened places, the first at once taking fire, instantly, as
quick as a man could think of it, it caught from one end to another, in such a
manner that the whole street was one continued flame. Among those who used to
wait on the king and find occasion to amuse him when he anointed and washed
himself there was one Athenophanes, an Athenian, who desired him to make an
experiment of the naphtha upon Stephanus, who stood by in the bathing place, a
youth with a ridiculously ugly face, whose talent was singing well, "For," said
he, "if it take hold of him and is not put out, it must undeniably be allowed to
be of the most invincible strength." The youth, as it happened, readily
consented to undergo the trial, and as soon as he was anointed and rubbed with
it, his whole body broke out into such a flame, and was so seized by the fire,
that Alexander was in the greatest perplexity and alarm for him, and not without
reason; for nothing could have prevented his being consumed by it, if by good
chance there had not been people at hand with a great many vessels of water for
the service of the bath, with all which they had much ado to extinguish the
fire; and his body was so burned all over that he was not cured of it for a good
while after. Thus it is not without some plausibility that they endeavour to
reconcile the fable to truth, who say this was the drug in the tragedies with
which Medea anointed the crown and veil which she gave to Creon's daughter. For
neither the things themselves, nor the fire, could kindle of its own accord, but
being prepared for it by the naphtha, they imperceptibly attracted and caught a
flame which happened to be brought near them. For the rays and emanations of
fire at a distance have no other effect upon some bodies than bare light and
heat, but in others, where they meet with airy dryness, and also sufficient rich
moisture, they collect themselves and soon kindle and create a transformation.
The manner, however, of the production of naphtha admits of a diversity of
opinion... of whether this liquid substance that feeds the flame does not rather
proceed from a soil that is unctuous and productive of fire, as that of the
province of Babylon is, where the ground is so very hot that oftentimes the
grains of barley leap up and are thrown out, as if the violent inflammation had
made the earth throb; and in the extreme heats the inhabitants are wont to sleep
upon skins filled with water. Harpalus, who was left governor of this country,
and was desirous to adorn the palace gardens and walks with Grecian plants,
succeeding in raising all but ivy, which the earth would not bear, but
constantly killed. For being a plant that loves a cold soil, the temper of this
hot and fiery earth was improper for it. But such digressions as these the
impatient reader will be more willing to pardon if they are kept within a
moderate compass.
At the taking of Susa, Alexander found in the palace forty thousand talents in
money ready coined, besides an unspeakable quantity of other furniture and
treasure; amongst which was five thousand talents' worth of Hermionian purple,
that had been laid up there an hundred and ninety years, and yet kept its colour
as fresh and lively as at first. The reason of which, they say, is that in
dyeing the purple they made use of honey, and of white oil in the white
tincture, both which after the like space of time preserve the clearness and
brightness of their lustre. Dinon also relates that the Persian kings had water
fetched from the Nile and the Danube, which they laid up in their treasuries as
a sort of testimony of the greatness of their power and universal empire.
The entrance into Persia was through a most difficult country, and was guarded
by the noblest of the Persians, Darius himself having escaped further.
Alexander, however, chanced to find a guide in exact correspondence with what
the Pythia had foretold when he was a child, that a lycus should conduct him
into Persia. For by such an one, whose father was a Lycian, and his mother a
Persian, and who spoke both languages, he was now led into the country, by a way
something about, yet without fetching any considerable compass. Here a great
many of the prisoners were put to the sword, of which himself gives this
account, that he commanded them to be killed in the belief that it would be for
his advantage. Nor was the money found here less, he says, than at Susa, besides
other movables and treasure, as much as ten thousand pair of mules and five
thousand camels could well carry away. Amongst other things he happened to
observe a large statue of Xerxes thrown carelessly down to the ground in the
confusion made by the multitude of soldiers pressing into the palace. He stood
still, and accosting it as if it had been alive, "Shall we," said he,
"neglectfully pass thee by, now thou art prostrate on the ground because thou
once invadedst Greece, or shall we erect thee again in consideration of the
greatness of thy mind and thy other virtues?" But at last, after he had paused
some time, and silently considered with himself, he went on without taking any
further notice of it. In this place he took up his winter quarters, and stayed
four months to refresh his soldiers. It is related that the first time he sat on
the royal throne of Persia under the canopy of gold, Demaratus the Corinthian,
who was much attached to him and had been one of his father's friends, wept, in
an old man's manner, and deplored the misfortune of those Greeks whom death had
deprived of the satisfaction of seeing Alexander seated on the throne of Darius.
From hence designing to march against Darius, before he set out he diverted
himself with his officers at an entertainment of drinking and other pastimes,
and indulged so far as to let every one's mistress sit by and drink with them.
The most celebrated of them was Thais, an Athenian, mistress of Ptolemy, who was
afterwards King of Egypt. She, partly as a sort of well-turned compliment to
Alexander, partly out of sport, as the drinking went on, at last was carried so
far as to utter a saying, not misbecoming her native country's character, though
somewhat too lofty for her own condition. She said it was indeed some recompense
for the toils she had undergone in following the camp all over Asia, that she
was that day treated in, and could insult over, the stately palace of the
Persian monarches. But, she added, it would please her much better if, while the
king looked on, she might in sport, with her own hands, set fire to the court of
that Xerxes who reduced the city of Athens to ashes, that it might be recorded
to posterity that the women who followed Alexander had taken a severer revenge
on the Persians for the suffering, and affronts of Greece, than all the famed
commanders had been able to do by sea or land. What she said was received with
such universal liking and murmurs of applause, and so seconded by the
encouragement and eagerness of the company, that the king himself, persuaded to
be of the party, started from his seat, and with a chaplet of flowers on his
head and a lighted torch in his hand, led them the way, while they went after
him in a riotous manner, dancing and making loud cries about the place; which
when the rest of the Macedonians perceived, they also in great delight ran
thither with torches; for they hoped the burning and destruction of the royal
palace was an argument that he looked homeward, and had no design to reside
among the barbarians. Thus some writers give their account of this action, while
others say it was done deliberately; however, all agree that he soon repented of
it, and gave order to put out the fire.
Alexander was naturally most munificent, and grew more so as his fortune
increased, accompanying what he gave with that courtesy and freedom which, to
speak truth, is necessary to make a benefit really obliging. I will give a few
instances of this kind. Ariston, the captain of the Paeonians, having killed an
enemy, brought his head to show him, and told him that in his country such a
present was recompensed with a cup of gold. "With an empty one," said Alexander,
smiling, "but I drink to you in this, which I give you full of wine." Another
time, as one of the common soldiers was driving a mule laden with some of the
king's treasure, the beast grew tired, and the soldier took it upon his own
back, and began to march with it, till Alexander seeing the man so overcharged
asked what was the matter; and when he was informed, just as he was ready to lay
down his burden for weariness, "Do not faint now," said he to him, "but finish
the journey, and carry what you have there to your own tent for yourself." He
was always more displeased with those who would not accept of what he gave than
with those who begged of him. And therefore he wrote to Phocion, that he would
not own him for his friend any longer if he refused his presents. He had never
given anything to Serapion, one of the youths that played at ball with him,
because he did not ask of him, till one day, it coming to Serapion's turn to
play, he still threw the ball to others, and when the king asked him why he did
not direct it to him, "Because you do not ask for it," said he; which answer
pleased him so that he was very liberal to him afterwards. One Proteas, a
pleasant, jesting, drinking fellow, having incurred his displeasure, got his
friends to intercede for him, and begged his pardon himself with tears, which at
last prevailed, and Alexander declared he was friends with him. "I cannot
believe it," said Proteas, "unless you first give me some pledge of it." The
king understood his meaning, and presently ordered five talents to be given him.
How magnificent he was in enriching his friends, and those who attended on his
person, appears by a letter which Olympias wrote to him, where she tells him he
should reward and honour those about him in a more moderate way. "For now," said
she, "you make them all equal to kings, you give them power and opportunity of
making many friends of their own, and in the meantime you leave yourself
destitute." She often wrote to him to this purpose, and he never communicated
her letters to anybody, unless it were one which he opened when Hephaestion was
by, whom he permitted, as his custom was, to read it along with him; but then as
soon as he had done, he took off his ring, and set the seal upon Hephaestion's
lips. Mazaeus, who was the most considerable man in Darius's court, had a son
who was already governor of a province. Alexander bestowed another upon him that
was better; he, however, modestly refused, and told him, instead of one Darius,
he went the way to make many Alexanders. To Parmenio he gave Bagoas's house, in
which he found a wardrobe of apparel worth more than a thousand talents. He
wrote to Antipater, commanding him to keep a life-guard about him for the
security of his person against conspiracies. To his mother he sent many
presents, but would never suffer her to meddle with matters of state or war, not
indulging her busy temper, and when she fell out with him on this account, he
bore her ill-humour very patiently. Nay more, when he read a long letter from
Antipater full of accusations against her, "Antipater," he said, "does not know
that one tear of a mother effaces a thousand such letters as these."
But when he perceived his favourites grow so luxurious and extravagant in their
way of living and expenses that Hagnon, the Teian, wore silver nails in his
shoes, that Leonnatus employed several camels only to bring him powder out of
Egypt to use when he wrestled, and that Philotas had hunting nets a hundred
furlongs in length, that more used precious ointment than plain oil when they
went to bathe, and that they carried about servants everywhere with them to rub
them and wait upon them in their chambers, he reproved them in gentle and
reasonable terms, telling them he wondered that they who had been engaged in so
many single battles did not know by experience, that those who labour sleep more
sweetly and soundly than those who are laboured for, and could fail to see by
comparing the Persians' manner of living with their own that it was the most
abject and slavish condition to be voluptuous, but the most noble and royal to
undergo pain and labour. He argued with them further, how it was possible for
any one who pretended to be a soldier, either to look well after his horse, or
to keep his armour bright and in good order, who thought it much to let his
hands be serviceable to what was nearest to him, his own body. "Are you still to
learn," said he, "that the end and perfection of our victories is to avoid the
vices and infirmities of those whom we subdue? And to strengthen his precepts by
example, he applied himself now more vigorously than ever to hunting and warlike
expeditions, embracing all opportunities of hardship and danger, insomuch that a
Lacedaemonian, who was there on an embassy to him and chanced to be by when he
encountered with and mastered a huge lion, told him he had fought gallantly with
the beast, which of the two should be king. Craterus caused a representation to
be made of this adventure, consisting of the lion and the dogs, of the king
engaged with the lion, and himself coming in to his assistance, all expressed in
figures of brass, some of which were by Lysippus, and the rest by Leochares; and
had it dedicated in the temple of Apollo at Delphi. Alexander exposed his person
to danger in this manner, with the object both of inuring himself and inciting
others to the performance of brave and virtuous actions.
But his followers, who were grown rich, and consequently proud, longed to
indulge themselves in pleasure and idleness, and were weary of marches and
expeditions, and at last went on so far as to censure and speak ill of him. All
which at first he bore very patiently, saying it became a king well to do good
to others, and be evil spoken of. Meantime, on the smallest occasions that
called for a show of kindness to his friends, there was every indication on his
part of tenderness and respect. Hearing Peucestes was bitten by a bear, he wrote
to him that he took it unkindly he should send others notice of it and not make
him acquainted with it; "But now," said he, "since it is so, let me know how you
do, and whether any of your companions forsook you when you were in danger, that
I may punish them." He sent Hephaestion, who was absent about some business,
word how, while they were fighting for their diversion with an ichneumon,
Craterus was by chance run through both thighs with Perdiccas's javelin. And
upon Peucestes's recovery from a fit of sickness, he sent a letter of thanks to
his physician Alexippus. When Craterus was ill, he saw a vision in his sleep,
after which he offered sacrifices for his health, and bade him do so likewise.
He wrote also to Pausanias, the physician, who was about to purge Craterus with
hellebore, partly out of an anxious concern for him, and partly to give him a
caution how he used that medicine. He was so tender of his friends' reputation
that he imprisoned Ephialtes and Cissus, who brought him the first news of
Harpalus's flight and withdrawal from his service, as if they had falsely
accused him. When he sent the old and infirm soldiers home, Eurylochus, a
citizen of Aegae, got his name enrolled among the sick, though he ailed nothing,
which being discovered, he confessed he was in love with a young woman named
Telesippa, and wanted to go along with her to the sea-side. Alexander inquired
to whom the woman belonged, and being told she was a free courtesan, "I will
assist you," said he to Eurylochus, "in your amour if your mistress be to be
gained either by presents or persuasions; but we must use no other means,
because she is free-born."
It is surprising to consider upon what slight occasions he would write letters
to serve his friends. As when he wrote one in which he gave order to search for
a youth that belonged to Seleucus, who was run away into Cilicia; and in another
thanked and commanded Peucestes for apprehending Nicon, a servant of Craterus;
and in one to Megabyzus, concerning a slave that had taken sanctuary in a
temple, gave direction that he should not meddle with him while he was there,
but if he could entice him out by fair means, then he gave him leave to seize
him. It is reported of him that when he first sat in judgment upon capital
causes he would lay his hand upon one of his ears while the accuser spoke, to
keep it free and unprejudiced in behalf of the party accused. But afterwards
such a multitude of accusations were brought before him, and so many proved
true, that he lost his tenderness of heart, and gave credit to those also that
were false; and especially when anybody spoke ill of him, he would be
transported out of his reason, and show himself cruel and inexorable, valuing
his glory and reputation beyond his life or kingdom.
He now, as we said, set forth to seek Darius, expecting he should be put to the
hazard of another battle, but heard he was taken and secured by Bessus, upon
which news he sent home the Thessalians, and gave them a largess of two thousand
talents over and above the pay that was due to them. This long and painful
pursuit of Darius- for in eleven days he marched thirty-three hundred furlongs-
harassed his soldiers so that most of them were ready to give it up, chiefly for
want of water. While they were in this distress, it happened that some
Macedonians who had fetched water in skins upon their mules from a river they
had found out came about noon to the place where Alexander was, and seeing him
almost choked with thirst, presently filled an helmet and offered it him. He
asked them to whom they were carrying the water, they told him to their
children, adding, that if his life were but saved, it was no matter for them,
they should be able well enough to repair that loss, though they all perished.
Then he took the helmet into his hands, and looking round about, when he saw all
those who were near him stretching their heads out and looking earnestly after
the drink, he returned it again with thanks without tasting a drop of it. "For,"
said he, "if I alone drink, the rest will be out of heart." The soldiers no
sooner took notice of his temperance and magnanimity upon this occasion, but
they one and all cried out to him to lead them forward boldly, and began
whipping on their horses. For whilst they had such a king they said they defied
both weariness and thirst, and looked upon themselves to be little less than
immortal. But though they were all equally cheerful and willing, yet not above
three-score horse were able, it is said, to keep up, and to fall in with
Alexander upon the enemy's camp, where they rode over abundance of gold and
silver that lay scattered about, and passing by a great many chariots full of
women that wandered here and there for want of drivers, they endeavoured to
overtake the first of those that fled, in hopes to meet with Darius among them.
And at last, after much trouble, they found him lying in a chariot, wounded all
over with darts, just at the point of death. However, he desired they would give
him some drink, and when he had drunk a little cold water, he told Polystratus,
who gave it him, that it had become the last extremity of his ill fortune to
receive benefits and not be able to return them. "But Alexander," said he,
"whose kindness to my mother, my wife, and my children I hope the gods will
recompense, will doubtless thank you for your humanity to me. Tell him,
therefore, in token of my acknowledgment, I give him this right hand," with
which words he took hold of Polystratus's hand and died. When Alexander came up
to them, he showed manifest tokens of sorrow, and taking off his own cloak,
threw it upon the body to cover it. And some time afterwards, when Bessus was
taken, he ordered him to be torn in pieces in this manner. They fastened him to
a couple of trees which were bound down so as to meet, and then being let loose,
with a great force returned to their places, each of them carrying that part of
the body along with it that was tied to it. Darius's body was laid in state, and
sent to his mother with pomp suitable to his quality. His brother Exathres,
Alexander received into the number of his intimate friends.
And now with the flower of his army he marched into Hyrcania, where he saw a
large bay of an open sea, apparently not much less than the Euxine, with water,
however, sweeter than that of other seas, but could learn nothing of certainty
concerning it, further than that in all probability it seemed to him to be an
arm issuing from the lake of Maeotis. However, the naturalists were better
informed of the truth, and had given an account of it many years before
Alexander's expedition; that of four gulfs which out of the main sea enter into
the continent, this, known indifferently as the Caspian and as the Hyrcanian
Sea, is the most northern. Here the barbarians, unexpectedly meeting with those
who led Bucephalus, took them prisoners, and carried the horse away with them.
at which Alexander was so much vexed that he sent an herald to let them know he
would put them all to the sword, men, women, and children, without mercy, if
they did not restore him. But on their doing so, and at the same time
surrendering their cities into his hands, he not only treated them kindly, but
also paid a ransom for his horse to those who took him.
From hence he marched into Parthia, where not having much to do, he first put on
the barbaric dress, perhaps with the view of making the work of civilizing them
the easier, as nothing gains more upon men than a conformity to their fashions
and customs. Or it may have been as a first trial, whether the Macedonians might
be brought to adore as the Persians did their kings, by accustoming them by
little and little to bear with the alteration of his rule and course of life in
other things. However, he followed not the Median fashion, which was altogether
foreign and uncouth, and adopted neither the trousers nor the sleeved vest, nor
the tiara for the head, but taking a middle way between the Persian mode and the
Macedonian, so contrived his habit that it was not so flaunting as the one, and
yet more pompous and magnificent than the other. At first he wore this habit
only when he conversed with the barbarians, or within doors, among his intimate
friends and companions, but afterwards he appeared in it abroad, when he rode
out, and at public audiences, a sight which the Macedonians beheld with grief;
but they so respected his other virtues and good qualities that they felt it
reasonable in some things to gratify his fancies and his passion of glory, in
pursuit of which he hazarded himself so far, that, besides his other adventures,
he had but lately been wounded in the leg by an arrow, which had so shattered
the shank-bone that splinters were taken out. And on another occasion he
received a violent blow with a stone upon the nape of the neck, which dimmed his
sight for a good while afterwards. And yet all this could not hinder him from
exposing himself freely to any dangers, insomuch that he passed the river
Orexartes, which he took to be the Tanais, and putting the Scythians to flight,
followed them above a hundred furlongs, though suffering all the time from a
diarrhoea.
Here many affirm that the Amazon came to give him a visit. So Clitarchus,
Polyclitus, Onesicritus, Antigenes, and Ister tell us. But Aristobulus and
Chares, who held the office of reporter of requests, Ptolemy and Anticlides,
Philon the Theban, Philip of Theangela, Hecataeus the Eretrian, Philip the
Chalcidian, and Duris the Samian, say it is wholly a fiction. And truly
Alexander himself seems to confirm the latter statement, for in a letter in
which he gives Antipater an account of all that happened, he tells him that the
King of Scythia offered him his daughter in marriage, but makes no mention at
all of the Amazon. And many years after, when Onesicritus read this story in his
fourth book to Lysimachus, who then reigned, the king laughed quietly and asked,
"Where could I have been at that time?"
But it signifies little to Alexander whether this be credited or no. Certain it
is, that apprehending the Macedonians would be weary of pursuing the war, he
left the greater part of them in their quarters; and having with him in Hyrcania
the choice of his men only, amounting to twenty thousand foot and three thousand
horse, he spoke to them to this effect: That hitherto the barbarians had seen
them no otherwise than as it were in a dream, and if they should think of
returning when they had only alarmed Asia, and not conquered it, their enemies
would set upon them as upon so many women. However he told them he would keep
none of them with him against their will, they might go if they pleased; he
should merely enter his protest, that when on his way to make the Macedonians
the masters of the world, he was left alone with a few friends and volunteers.
This is almost word for word as he wrote in a letter to Antipater, where he
adds, that when he had thus spoken to them, they all cried out, they would go
along with him whithersoever it was his pleasure to lead them. After succeeding
with these, it was no hard matter for him to bring over the multitude, which
easily followed the example of their betters. Now, also, he more and more
accommodated himself in his way of living to that of the natives, and tried to
bring them also as near as he could to the Macedonian customs, wisely
considering that whilst he was engaged in an expedition which would carry him
far from thence, it would be wiser to depend upon the good-will which might
arise from intermixture and association as a means of maintaining tranquillity,
than upon force and compulsion. In order to this, he chose out thirty thousand
boys, whom he put under masters to teach them the Greek tongue, and to train
them up to arms in the Macedonian discipline. As for his marriage with Roxana,
whose youthfulness and beauty had charmed him at a drinking entertainment, where
he first happened to see her taking part in a dance, it was, indeed a love
affair, yet it seemed at the same time to be conducive to the object he had in
hand. For it gratified the conquered people to see him choose a wife from among
themselves, and it made them feel the most lively affection for him, to find
that in the only passion which he, the most temperate of men, was overcome by,
he yet forbore till he could obtain her in a lawful and honourable way.
Noticing also that among his chief friends and favourites, Hephaestion most
approved all that he did, and complied with and imitated him in his change of
habits, while Craterus continued strict in the observation of the customs and
fashions of his own country, he made it his practice to employ the first in all
transactions with the Persians, and the latter when he had to do with the Greeks
or Macedonians. And in general he showed more affection for Hephaestion, and
more respect for Craterus; Hephaestion, as he used to say, being Alexander's,
and Craterus the king's friend. And so these two friends always bore in secret a
grudge to each other, and at times quarrelled openly, so much so that once in
India they drew upon one another, and were proceeding in good earnest, with
their friends on each side to second them, when Alexander rode up and publicly
reproved Hephaestion, calling him fool and madman, not to be sensible that
without his favour he was nothing. He rebuked Craterus also in private,
severely, and then causing them both to come into his presence, he reconciled
them, at the same time swearing by Ammon and the rest of the gods. that he loved
them two above all other men, but if ever he perceived them fall out again he
would be sure to put both of them to death, or at least the aggressor. After
which they neither ever did or said anything, so much as in jest, to offend one
another.
There was scarcely any one who had greater repute among the Macedonians than
Philotas, the son of Parmenio. For besides that he was valiant and able to
endure any fatigue of war, he was also next to Alexander himself the most
munificent, and the greatest lover of his friends, one of whom asking him for
some money, he commanded his steward to give it him; and when he told him he had
not wherewith, "Have you not any plate,